Ethiopia’s Challenge is our Challenge Ghelawdewos Araia, Ph.D

May 7th, 2011 Print Print Email Email

“Great things are achieved by guessing the direction of one’s century1″ Giuseppe Mazzini

These days, some Ethiopians entertain the idea that the last two decades are EPRDF’s moment, not the moment of the Ethiopian people in general and the opposition in particular. This is a pessimistic and parochial view of history. Every moment in the making of Ethiopia’s history is the moment of all Ethiopians regardless of the type of regime in power. Moreover, Ethiopians should not wait for the powers that be to render miracles and or furnish the socioeconomic and political needs of the people; the latter in fact should be proactive and deliberate its own agenda in the total liberation of their country. They must transcend the current political skirmish tainted with ethnocentric psychology that could ultimately undermine not only the sovereignty and independence of Ethiopia, but also its very survival.

Out of the chaotic Diaspora Ethiopia seemingly discussion forums, two recent essays that stand out are Professor Mammo Muchie’s “Revisiting Ethiopiawinet” and Professors Aklog Birara and Getachew Begashaw’s “A Mission to Attract Diaspora Funds.” The former was addressed many times by many Ethiopian scholars (including myself) but Mammo came up with additional flavor and new vistas in critiquing the prevalent ethnic politics in Ethiopia, and I will only supplement his ideas and constructively engage his thesis in this article. The latter, without doubt is topical and timely but other Ethiopian economists, including Professor Seid Hassan, also addressed the central theme of their essay. I will further explore the parameters of development agenda in Ethiopia in its comprehensive and broader political economy dimension, and not only in its macroeconomic synthesis.

I am in full accord with Mammo’s critique of “the mistakes of our generation” but I would like to add that our generation has indeed paid a heavy price, not only for its dogmatic assertion of leftist ideologies and belittling its own Ethiopian wisdom but also for being patriotic and for being at the forefront in striving to change Ethiopia for the better. It is true that the Ethiopian Student Movement (ESM) during the reign of Emperor Haile Selassie had exhibited excesses with respect to the question of nationalities in Ethiopia; the movement had gone beyond self-determination of nationalities to the right of secession of the latter and this, to be sure, was a theoretical conception carbon copied from Stalin’s “Question of Nationalities” blueprint. It was dogmatic on the part of the students, but it was not aimed at deliberately dismantling the Ethiopian polity. Now, the EPRDF has officially installed the right of secession of regions/nationalities as it is clearly enshrined in Article 39 of the present Ethiopian constitution. This is a problem superimposed on Ethiopians; it is Ethiopia’s challenge, but it is also our challenge. In the final analysis, it is we, Ethiopians, who should (as one unified people) correct the mistakes of the EPRDF.

On the other hand, although there were excesses among the ESM militants and extreme measure was taken by the EPRDF with respect to the question of nationalities, we must also acknowledge that there was national oppression in Ethiopia. I have cited in one of my previous works Bahru Zewde’s thesis of comparing the denial of national oppression during the ancien regime to the lack of knowledge of Ethiopian history. There is nothing wrong in recognizing the achievements and pitfalls of Ethiopia; the question is how to go about and overcome major socioeconomic, political, and cultural problems challenging Ethiopia. That is our challenge.

Moreover, we Ethiopians have one major challenge in regards to ethnic politics. I have addressed this issue several times in the past but I don’t mind repeating myself over and over again for the sake of dialogue and discussion of current events in Ethiopian circles. I strongly believe that ethnic politics in Ethiopia, though initiated by the EPRDF, was also exaggerated and practiced by Ethiopians in the Diaspora, and this troubling phenomenon is reflected in the way Ethiopians are organized along ethnic and even sub-ethnic levels. If indeed Ethiopians in the Diaspora love their country and aspire to transform Ethiopia for the better, they must find a pan-Ethiopian organization or pan-Ethiopian parties (not just in name but in composition as well) that could unify the people and come up with a solid Ethiopian agenda. To date, we don’t have it and what we have instead is vanishing solidaristic vision; a vision of unity that our forefathers entertained and practiced in the past. This is the challenge of the present generation; it cannot be left to the ruling party in Ethiopia as if it is an EPRDF problem only.

What I agree with Mammo’s characterization of Ethiopian nationalism or Ethiopiawinet is the fact that Ethiopian nationalism has historical foundations. I would like to address the myth perpetrated by anti-Ethiopian elements in regards to the evolution of the Ethiopian state. The enemies of Ethiopia wanted to portray the country as a fictitious polity and/or an artificially constructed socio-cultural entity. This argument is not only devoid of historical analysis and logical (rational) synthesis, but it also negates Ethiopian nationalism that actually evolved out of a long state formation (from antiquity to present) historical process that really constitutes the Ethiopian nation. Therefore, Ethiopian nationalism is not an abstract ideal but a reality born out of the state formation factor already mentioned and out of resistance against foreign forces. Tewodros, Yohannes, Alula, and Menelik fought not as Gonderies, Tigrayans, or Shewans, but as Ethiopians.

While I appreciate Aklog and Getachew’s macroeconomic analysis of Ethiopia and why it “is not conducive” to invest in Ethiopia today (the exact opposite of the Government’s claim of ‘10 reasons to invest in Ethiopia’), I am of the opinion that the complex Ethiopian scenario requires a more comprehensive political economy analysis.

Aklog and Getachew’s article is aimed at educating Ethiopians abroad to being extra cautious about the April 9 and 10, 2011 Ethiopian Government delegation-led town hall meetings in 14 North American cities. I don’t mind the authors critical scrutiny of the Government’s intention to grab “Diaspora funds” (as the title of their essay insinuates). But most of the Diaspora opposition that participated in the conference did not follow the two professors footsteps. On the contrary, those that were in the conference halls and their colleagues who were outside and were protesting and calling names to the conferees, had aimed at disrupting the meetings at any cost. A good example of this protestation was the action taken by the Diaspora opposition in the Washington metro area and in effectively paralyzing the Growth and Transformation Plan (GTP) meeting.

Ethiopians, of course, have the right to participate and support the GTP or participate in the conference and oppose it, or even completely oppose and derail its objectives. Whether we like it or not, however, the GTP could be one challenge to Ethiopians. I would have preferred the Diaspora to have joined the conference rooms in all 14 locations and participate in a civil way and challenge the EPRDF delegation on its turf. The opposition groups should have challenged members of the delegation not in the form of clutters accompanied by noises but by clashing ideas.

It would have been wise for the Diaspora Ethiopians to use the very platforms employed by the EPRDF delegation by bombarding them with questions and effectively inundating them with challenging or alternative strategies to transformation, instead of simply disrupting the meetings. This kind of action and attitude reminds me of an incident that took place at Addis Ababa University (AAU) in the early 1970s. A group of students were gathered at the entrance of the New Arts Building of the Sidist Kilo campus of the University; they made me curious and I joined them, and although I arrived in the middle of a heated debate, I instantly got the gist of the pro and con exchanges. The debate was on whether students must go to the Asmara Exposition or not. Some of them were in favor of going and others were vehemently opposed to the idea of going to Asmara. On the opposition side was Girmachew Lemma, a prominent student leader, and he told us in no uncertain terms, “We should not go to Expo Asmara, because it is tantamount to respecting the invitation of the Emperor and celebrating the reactionary agenda of the government.” However, some of the students, at the risk of being labeled “reactionary,” went to Asmara. I did not mind the positions of both groups, but I believed then and now that it is preferable to participate in nay venue of any conference and take advantage of it.

Beyond participation, however, our challenge is to come up with some sort of blueprint, a working paper, or a policy-oriented document and the rest of this essay will focus on the ideas behind this proposal. I am of the opinion that a political economy analysis and critique of the EPRDF and its policies will benefit Ethiopia in the long run, and an attempt will be made here to discuss the contradictions that would preclude investment in Ethiopia and I will propose alternative ideas for meaningful investment and development.

1. The Government cannot invite Ethiopian investors unless it has an industrial rationalization policy that encourages or fosters competition in the strategic sectors of the economy. The bulk of the strategic sectors are now either owned or indirectly controlled by the EPRDF (TPLF, ANDM, OPDO). The ANDM and OPDO are major beneficiaries and shareholders with the TPLF and it is not only the latter that is in complete control of the economy. With respect to my argument here, I am implying that Aklog and Getachew are wrong in consistently mentioning TPLF and completely ignoring the EPRDF.

2. The Government cannot claim “absence of corruption”2 in Ethiopia when in fact corruption is endemic that could be likened to a metastasized cancer. There is no need for the government of Ethiopia to hide a major Ethiopian problem, which was in existence as part of the socioeconomic and political fabric long before the EPRDF assumed power. Corruption, after all, is not unique to Ethiopia and instead of simply denying the elephant in the room, it is better to acknowledge its existence and try to deal with it. Now, the question is how can Ethiopians invest in Ethiopia in the presence of rampant corruption, especially in the bureaucracy? Investors don’t want any hassle, let alone pay extra money for corrupt officials in order to facilitate their investment plans. Once Ethiopia is free of corruption, there is no doubt that the Diaspora will pump the investment sector of the economy, ranging from tourism and hospitality management to agriculture, to mining and industry.

3. Ethiopia must give priority to Ethiopian entrepreneurs over foreign investors: By this, I don’t mean to disregard foreign investment; the latter is equally important in the development of Ethiopia. Foreign investment, including foreign direct investment (FDI) would have a positive impact on development especially if there is no string attached to it. However, if Ethiopia is to become truly independent from “dependent development”, it must decidedly give priority to Ethiopian investors and entrepreneurs. So far, the country has been rewarding foreign investors by turning itself into a Mecca of land grab for agricultural development. One of these investors, for instance, is an Indian investor by the name Pradeep Mannemela and according to him, his company now has a 25-year lease in Gambella, one of the nine regional states, and “has plans to expand its agricultural endeavors and may acquire up to 100,000 ht in Ethiopia…”3

I argue that Ethiopia must give priority to Ethiopians for the simple and profound reason that the country must ultimately stand on its own feet, and this could be attained only if a new middle class of entrepreneurs emerges in Ethiopia. The GTP is perhaps meant to invite investors, but it could not guarantee the emergence of a middle class insofar the Ethiopian investor is fiercely competed by foreign investors.

4. Education must be given priority in investment and development: The government of Ethiopia claims that “Ethiopia presently turn out more than 10,000 university graduates per year” and currently the country has “151 technical and vocational education and training schools.”4 There is no doubt that some progress in education has been achieved in the last decade or so, but the quality of education is questionable. I have had some conversation with some Ethiopians who graduated from college and some who simply corresponded with me on line, and I found it astounding that most of these students could not write a coherent essay. Out of historical necessity, thus, Ethiopia must heavily invest on technical education so that it could produce technicians, engineers, and business leaders (the would-be middle class that I have discussed above), and in turn propel economic growth based on manufacturing industries. In this regard, Ethiopia can learn from the Asian Tigers, and especially from Taiwan, a country that deliberately restricted the proliferation of universities in favor of vocational schools.

5. Ethiopian policy directives must be compatible with international market forces: By this, I don’t mean the “100 Investment Project Profiles” that the Ethiopian government seemingly wants to offer to Diaspora Ethiopians. Beyond the plethora of projects, the policy directive must necessarily and succinctly put forth allocation of scarce capital; energy resources and appropriate technology; infrastructure development; tax credits; budgetary policies and incentives; mass education; and labor regulations. Only when the above component parts of the policy directive are clearly defined could Ethiopians (and other investors for that matter) begin to invest in their country.

6. Ethiopia must overcome patronage politics: One of the major assets of the EPRDF that enabled it to stay in power for so long is patronage politics, and without the latter the ruling party could have not easily manipulated the power nexus and govern Ethiopia. The EPRDF, in fact, is a patron-client network party apparatus and those Ethiopians who think that only the TPLF is ruling over Ethiopia are wrong. Wide spread patrimony (the inheritance of power and property by family members of the ruling elite or by their close loyal associates) is not confined to the TPLF or the EPRDF; it has also tentacles in the dominant regional states of Oromia, Amhara, and Tigray as well as in the peripheral states such as Afar, Beni Shangul Gumuz, Gambella, and Somalia. Because of this solid patronage linkage, the ruling EPRDF party, through its Ministry of Federal Affairs (MoFA), monitors the local governance of the regions. The MoFA literally runs the affairs of the Somali region, for instance. However, the regional leaders (presidents) as well as the leaders of the parties that make up the EPRDF have also formed their own patronage networks and hence they govern their own constituents. By focusing on the TPLF only, Ethiopians in the Diaspora were unable to fathom the complexity of the current governance in Ethiopia. Now, the regional governors have their constituents not only in their regions but also in the Diaspora, very much like the TPLF has. When the president of the Somalia Regional State came to the United States, his supporters and clients, i.e. the Ethiopian Somalis that reside in Minnesota, received him like a king; draped him with an Ethiopian flag, and chanted and danced with him. The event clearly demonstrates the patron-client relationship in the Somalia region and by extension in all Ethiopia.

However, while patronage politics was an effective mechanism for the EPRDF to stay in power, it effectively alienated other Ethiopians that are not affiliated to the EPRDF; it also seriously undermined the democratic process that Ethiopians thought had a chance to mushroom. Unless Ethiopia overcomes patronage politics, meaningful development programs could not be realized and investors could not be forthcoming.

7. The GTP cannot take place at the expense of democratic transformation in Ethiopia: Over the last two decades, I have encountered arguments on the primacy of democracy over development or whether one is compatible with the other. Frankly, I found the argument frivolous because, while democracy is not necessarily a precondition to development, it does not however mean that democracy and development cannot operate in tandem. Therefore, we cannot say ‘lets have development first and let democracy stay’ when we know very well that democracy is a healthy political culture that we can all cherish. Therefore I argue that we can implement development agendas while incipient democratic culture flourish simultaneously. In this context, thus, Ethiopians must steadfastly demand not only fundamental democratic rights for citizens, but also structural implementation of a democratic system. The EPRDF is not expected to forge a democratic system, but it can at least allow a modicum of democratic rights such as multiparty democracy without restricting or alienating the opposition. If the EPRDF cannot tolerate the opposition (as has been witnessed in the 2005 and 2010 elections), it is highly likely that it will not tolerate business leaders (hence investors), educators, and other professionals who would come up with different ideas other than that of the ruling party’s ideas.

8. Transformation in whose interest? I will answer this question in light of the welfare of the Ethiopian people, the ultimate source for the development of Ethiopia. Is the GTP of the EPRDF going to benefit the multitude poor of Ethiopians? Is it going to salvage the famine-stricken Ethiopians? Is it going to solve the chronic unemployment in the country? Is it going to change the livelihood of the rural Ethiopians for the better? Is it going to trickle down to the one million plus beggars and aimless young Ethiopians in Addis Ababa? Is the GTP accountable to the national government or to the regional governments as well? If Ethiopia is willing to open up and learn from other countries experiences, it can uplift itself like the Asian Tigers, China, India, Brazil, and Botswana did. Compared to China and the Tigers, India and Brazil are still considered as poor Third World countries, but because they have visionary leaders and open democratic systems, they have scored tremendous achievements in development in just two decades. China too is a Third World country, but it made spectacular achievement in economic development and managed to liberate more than 400 million people from poverty. But the most important success story of the Tigers, China, and also Japan is their ability to install egalitarian socioeconomic and educational systems. In this regard, the Tigers, China, and Japan have surpassed even the Western democracies. Can Ethiopia surpass (or has the potential to) its Horn and/or East African neighbors? Transformation in whose interest? If it is for the welfare of the Ethiopian people, it is worth investing; if it is meant to enrich a neat circle of nomenclature bureaucrats, it is not worth it.

By way of concluding, I like to address a development strategy that Ethiopia must pursue. The market-oriented approach to development was a failure and yet Ethiopians at home (the government and the opposition) and in the Diaspora still adhere to the liberal agenda without critically examining the Ethiopian situation in the context of globalization. The so-called market policies pursued by many developing countries, in fact, exacerbated economic and development crisis in these countries. Ethiopia is no different from these developing nations and on top of the wrong strategy, the focus on cash crop, which is now frenzy in Ethiopia, would ultimately damage the national economy although it may have a short-term advantage in garnering hard (foreign currency). The obsession with cash crop is part of the liberal agenda and simply emulating the latter could be a recipe for disaster.

What Ethiopia needs at this juncture are visionary leaders who could lay out holistic development strategies and policies of a mixed economy type. Above all, the leaders should be able to address poverty, inequality, illiteracy, appropriate technology, dependent development, environmental degradation, and unequal partnership in global trade. A comprehensive development strategy could genuinely transform Ethiopia for the better, but it could be realized only if we Ethiopians, or more specifically our leaders, begin to envision the distant future because as Mazzini aptly puts it, “Great things are achieved by guessing the direction of one’s century.”


TPLF: Tigray People’s Liberation Front
EPRDF: Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Party
ANDM: Amhara National Democratic Movement
OPDO: Oromo People’s Democratic Organization


1. Giuseppe Mazzini was Italian leader in 1848. The maxim is taken from World Politics by Charles W. Kegley, Jr. and Eugene R. Whittkopf, St. Martin’s, 1999
2. Investing In Ethiopia: 10 Reasons to Invest in Ethiopia, Ethiopian Embassy, view and see Item #1, ‘Stable Economic Environment’
3. Addis Fortune, Vol. 11, No. 545, October 12, 2010
4. Investing in Ethiopia, Ibid, p. 3

All Rights Reserved. Copyright © IDEA, Inc. 2011. Dr. Ghelawdewos Araia can be contacted for educational and constructive feedback via

  1. jebesa
    | #1

    please don’t complicate the strugle,most of ethiopians who we lived in diaspora have you as rational person….when you comparing tplf with opdo & andm where is your rationality ? this makes us more hostile condition.please think two times before release your paper & speach

  2. Zerayakob Yared
    | #2

    ህሊና ይኑረን, and let us not be a chessboard for the ጭንጋፎች and ጭልፊቶች !
    ሃላፊነታችን ለሃገራችንና ለህዝባችን ብቻ ነው መሆን ያለበት!

  3. rezene kadissaba
    | #3

    Dear writer – if you want to be useful to ethiopia – just elaborate and give us a workable way to deal with “unequal partnership in global trade”, i am quoting you here.

    Giving a wish list doesnt help; only work makes a difference. If you focus and work solving “unequal partnership in global trade” issue – you would be a hero for Eth and the developing world. Just pick one from your wish list and work. Then you know how hard or how easy.

  4. Treaty
    | #4

    Dr.Ghelawdewos Araia, I thank you for sharing your view about the events in Ethiopia. Some have pointed out that you are a former member of EPRP,provided this report is true, I congratulate for your contribution in the struggle against dictatorship and tyranny of the previous regim.However,after I read your article I find myself musing about the conciliatory attitude you displayed towards the regime. The point that needs to be emphasized is this, weyane is the ruling party and the Ethiopian opposition as part of the segment of our society is the party of the ruled. As a result, for the past twenty years, the weyane rulers had the ball in their courts, and miserably failed to heed to the peaceful remonstration and plea of millions of suffering Ethiopians. As a result, my observation of Tplf leaders, and their dealing with Ethiopians have led me to believe weyane leaders are incapable of reform. Instead, they need to be removed from power by the popular uprising before it is too late. On the other hand, you seem to believe, contrary to the reality on the ground, weyane is capable of accommodating the demands of Ethiopians. To this extent, you have outlined what you referred as an eight point policy draft or blueprint. Your wish my friend, if anything, is calculated to furnish weyane a breathing ground from its current pressing problems. What is more you sir as former EPRP member are in a position to know the intent and secrecy of tplf leaders than any class of Ethiopians. No one believes here the eight points to do list you have out lined is sincere. Here is some of the counter response to your points.

    First, you referred to Ethiopian opposition media outlets as “the chaotic Diaspora Ethiopia seemingly discussion forums”. Is it not true that, by far the opposition discussion forums are the most accommodating and tolerant of various divers’ views than the government media forums that are accustomed to propagate tplf party line? Give us some facts where the government media is accommodating opposing views. In my view this is one area where you fail to appreciate the remarkable attitude change that is shaping up the Diaspora community in particular and Ethiopians in general. We may not be where we want to be but we are registering meaningful change in this area.

    Second, you said Diaspora Ethiopians could have used the platforms to challenge weyane with questions, as well as presenting alternative ways instead of disrupting the gatherings. It is a fact weyane invited a selected group of Ethiopians.Beside; weyanes are the one who begin to question the gusts at their arrival are you for us of against us? Once again sir you have one side of the story; the side played by the cadres and government supporters. Just be honest where was the last time you see weyane holding a peaceful dialogue with opposition members?

    Finally, I whole heartedly agree in part with your last line that “Above all, the leaders should be able to address poverty, inequality, illiteracy, appropriate technology”. While I agree in principle with your statement about leadership quality, I disagree with your recommendation that weyane will shade its worn out method and will be able to introduce reform. Ethiopians must produce the type of qualities of a future leader you have outlined must be sought among Ethiopians outside weyanes.

  5. ETHIOPIAN from boston
    | #5

    Hi ! Professor:

    Two major points to cite among the many. To show your support to Meles’ agenda (or for other reasons,) you quated Mazzini’s age old statement that is not applicabe to conemporay times. This is because “Great things can’t be achieved by GUSSING the direction of intended goals”. In answering the question presented to Meles how it is possible to build the Abbay Dam, Meles said “even if we can not succeed, it is (atleast)bette to try” than not. This is the grand joke of the century, however. So why not focus on work that can be empirically proven than to share an idea that “…. is impossible to achieve by guess work?.

    The second point I wnted to raise is about your wish on human equality at home and “unequal partnedship on global trade”. Does your term “global” trade also meant domestic trade?. If not, why not?. As all Ethiopians knew, except the Tigri-Ethiopians, the domestic business and industries are also dominated by those Tigrians who have close relationship with the ruling party. If so, why did you choose to ignore such fundamental reality? or there is no reality at all?

  6. Birhanu Demeke
    | #6

    My response to Ghelawdeos Araia’s(Ph.d) article called “Ethiopia’s challenge is our challenge”

    I agree with you about your stance concerning ethnic politics in Ethiopia,and also your wish list for Ethiopia’s educational and economic developments,however I completely dis-agree with you about your so called 8 point blueprints because where there is no political liberty there shall be no academic and economic liberty let alone the rest as such the only solution for all Ethiopians to progress collectively is to restore our Ethiopian identity as one Ethiopians as we are and have been for centuries irrespective of our differences,come up with grandiose vision and idea to remove the TPLF anti-Ethiopia/ns machinery from the face of Ethiopia so that we shall be free to bring about our stolen human dignity in order to establish constitutional democracy which shall guarantee not only our human dignity and liberty as one equal Ethiopians but also it shall lay the foundation of our collective progress as Ethiopians.

    Furthermore I want to remind you about the truth which you hypocritically would like to deny that there is no ANDM,OPDO etc… as such there is only TPLF which owns not only the Ethiopian economy,Ethiopian territory but also all Ethiopians which are its subjects of its oppression,repression and destruction.

    As the say in English”if you fool me once,you are the fool but if you fool me twice I am the fool”Ethiopians knew the TPLF from its inception as its anti-Ethiopian and anti-democracy,how ever during and in the aftermath of the May 15 2005 election we learn more lessons about the TPLF as to how we should organise our selves to deal with TPLF.Therefore this time around we are not willing to beg the TPLF to reform itself but we are more determined to destroy it by mass uprising like that of the Mubarak of Egypt and Ben Ali of Tunisia because that is the seasonal action we could take to free ourselves from the “adwa gibboch” as “Ethiopian ahyoch/hadgyoch” as we are considered to be for the last 37 years.

    I would like to leave your article and my response to it for history,and honorable Mamo Muchie shall always remain unbiased and patriotic Ethiopian scholar as those of his likes.

    Any way this article of yours made me to see the back of your brain and wounder how much cheap being a professor has become in todays world.Did you get a chance to see a live interview of Abune Mekarious on ESAT?For me this patriotic Ethiopian spiritual leader is a scientist let alone a professor.

    I conclude by saying “if we sale the truth in our inner-self for any form of material gain and try to paint it with hyppocracy it shall not justify our true human moral authority,as such what ever we say and do shall remain hypocritical because it contradicts with the nature of our inner-self”and the today’s Ethiopia and its people shall not be liberated by Hippocrates”.

  7. Tedla Asfaw
    | #7

    I commented on this article and forwarded it to abugigida yesterday. Abugida as a forum for different views will surely post it as it did many times of my pieces. You can also read my cpmment under the tile ” Where is our EFFORT ?” posted on or Av blog of

  8. aha!
    | #8

    According to your concluding remarks, Ethiopians are geared to thinking into calling for reform of the current regime. Rather Ethiopians, referring to the silent majority are seeking freedom from autocratic rule, ethnocratic rule/ethnic dictatorship, which ever ethnic-based party comes to power, rather Ethiopian Nationalism and Ethiopian National Interests, with goals for unity, territorial integrity, sovereignity of Ethiopia and and Ethiopians with common strategies to achieve these goals. Your proposal do not contribute to rallying the silent majority to to an uprising/reaction to freedom but not to pamper the current regime with a dialogue, rather than protest of ill conceived scheme of extorting funds from the masses in the form of contributions, and as bond holders at home, and labeling those who refuse as opposition supporters, and in the Dispora soliciting TPLF supporters as bond holders to initiate TPLF and TPLF affiliated investors as an extension tothe existing TPLF and TPLF affilited enterprises, having a political and economic strangle hold of the countries resources and its people.

    Do your eight points address these points of contention, even if we think those kinds of debates are set aside for Ethiopian parliament, assuming the parliament is and independent body and the costituency of of the party members is made with nearly equal composition with those with national agenda and those with ethnic agenda, and have the ability to draft a legislature and viogourously argue a policy put forth by TPLF/eprdf party members.

  9. Behailu
    | #9

    Ghelawdewos Araia,
    I’m not sure what you are preaching here. The Diaspora has the absolute right to disrupt the meeting of the snakes when it smells venom. Instead of being a camouflaged advocate of Zenawi’s ethnic dictatorship, Please use your PHD knowledge to answer the question why more than 80 million Ethiopians are dominated for over 20 years by the minority Tigreans- Answer why the regime in Ethiopia is not accountable for its act before asking the Diaspora to respect the most disrespectful force on earth. The regime must first host free meetings in Ethiopia before coming here to Diaspora and divide us. EFFORT is a channel that channels wealth from the south to Tigry! But you called it a development unit- what a poor puppy! I think you are fighting for your cousins! EFFORT is owned by the party officials and it is the strict property of the TPLF party- then what are companies, bank, insurance companies and transport companies owned by EFFORT doing in the other parts of the country?

  10. Zerayakob Yared
    | #10

    Altruism በኢትዮጵያዊኛ,

    ፆም ነው ብየ ለመላው ህዝብ ማስታወስ:: ሰዉ ሁሉ እንዲጾምም በለሰለሰው ና በሚማርከው ምላሴ ማሳሰብ:: ጉዋደኞቼንም ሁሉ በአገኘሁዋቸው ቁጥር በየረስቶራንቱ ሳሎኖች ዘንዳ በዘይት ጦቅ ባለ የሽሮ ና የድንች ወጦች ጋብዤ ማሰናበት:: እኔ ራስዬ ግን ወደ ጉዋዳ ገብቼ በቅቤ የተጥለቀለቀውን ክትፎ መደሰቅ!

    ታዛቢያችን ዮሃንስ, መንግስተ ሰማያት ውስጥ ሆነህ ምን እያልክ ይሆን?

  11. Blind supporter of Evil
    | #11

    The fact of the matter is, it’s the evil masterminds of Meles and Esays that are responsible for creating divisions between Ethiopian ethnic groups and religions, splitting Ethiopia and Eritrea, for the mass arrest of innocent Ethiopians and some of the Eritreans who refused to separate from Ethiopia and consider themselves patriotic Ethiopians, for torture, looting and for the countless number of deaths of Ethiopians, Eritrians and Somalis. Anyone who is unable to see the devilishness of the two most evil cousin deeds–the individuals judgments should be questioned, their heads should be examined and should be seen as thugs who are staunch supporters of the Hitler of Ethiopia that has the blood of hundreds of thousands innocent lives regardless one has a PHD or not.

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