Medrek’s Path to Unity and Charisma Messay Kebede

October 10th, 2012 Print Print Email Email

Since the fall of the Derg and the capture of state power by the EPRDF, there has been a consensus on the need for a strong opposition party to counter the hegemony of the ruling party. The consensus includes the understanding that the basic condition for a strong rival party is unity over policy matters and organizational strength and that its viability depends not only on criticizing the ruling party, but also on proposing a better alternative policy. Though the alternative force need not be monolithic, the consensus admits that there must be an agreement on the major issues of economic development, state organization, the rights and duties of the people, and the separation of state powers.

Despite the obvious nature of the stated conditions, it proved particularly difficult to engineer a strong united opposition party, mainly because the opposition originated from various groups which, on top of having disparate interests and ethnic affiliations, were little prone to trust each other. Even so, Kinijit, a semblance of united party, emerged in 2005 and competed successfully against the ruling party. Unfortunately, both the repressive reaction of the ruling party and internal dissensions fractured the unity and brought about its end.

Soon after the debacle of Kinijit, another attempt to create a united opposition was undertaken and resulted in the creation of Medrek. The latter promised to learn from the mistakes of Kinijit by moving toward unity gradually and on the basis of explicit agreements reached through democratic compromises. One basic agreement was the rejection of the clause of the EPRDF constitution granting ethnic groups the right to secede. The removal of the clause meant that Medrek cemented its unitary goal by a clear commitment to Ethiopian unity.

Besides denouncing the anti-democratic, corrupt, and repressive nature of the ruling party, Medrek proposed the institutional protection of the rights of citizens and, in the hope of countering dictatorial tendency, even suggested that the leader of the nation must not serve more than two terms. Another policy change concerned Eritrea: Medrek rejected the Algiers agreement, reaffirmed the port of Assab as an Ethiopian territory, and pledged to explore all available peaceful means to recover the port.

Yet, despite all these noticeable achievements, we all knew that Medrek was far from being a strong and united party. In effect, its performance in the 2010 election was abysmally poor. While much of its failure is rightly attributable to the repressive policy of the EPRDF, its inability to include all opposition parties, notably the relatively powerful All Ethiopian Unity Party, the perceived fragility of its unity, and its incapacity to force the regime to guarantee a level playing field were not negligible contributions to its electoral fiasco.

The good news is that we are told that Medrek has transited from coalition to the higher stage of front and is now targeting the final stage of complete unification. However, faithful to its prudent policy, it wants to accomplish its ultimate goal without precipitation and is working hard to resolve the remaining important but contentious issues. Sadly, a glance at the remaining issues shows that Medrek is still far away from becoming a strong and united party. Some such lag calls for nothing else than a review of the method and principle of unification in view of the fact that unification alone can lift Medrek to the level of a serious rival to the EPRDF, assuming that the latter has any lasting future after the demise of Meles. In the case that the EPRDF explodes, the unification is all the more necessary to stand up to the disintegration forces that the implosion would certainly unleash.

According to Gebru Asrat’s recent speech to the Ethiopian community in Atlanta, the contentious points are the following: (1) the issue of land ownership: even if Medrek affirms that land belongs to the people, as opposed to the EPRDF’s position defending state ownership of land, there is as yet no agreement on the right to sell land; (2) whereas federal structure with autonomous regions is a shared idea, the criteria for the demarcation of regions remain litigious. In other words, some members of Medrek defend the present ethnic delineation of regions while others advocate the use of different criteria.

There is no denying that these contentions are serious: one does not see how Medrek can unify if genuine and wholeheartedly accepted solutions are not provided. More importantly, the contradictory nature of the contentions throws doubt on the sincerity of the agreement already reached. Indeed, it is inconsistent to say that land is owned by the people without these same people having the right to do whatever they like with the land, including the right to sell it. What is ownership if it is not the right to sell, exchange, mortgage, and pass on? As to ethnic federalism, once the principle of national unity is unconditionally endorsed, it is contradictory to argue in favor of regional arrangements that weaken the unity. On the contrary, regional organization must be such that it enforces unity while at the same time ensuring autonomy to regions. It must be decentralization without however nurturing separate identities and exclusiveness.

The solution to the problem requires first of all an ideological change, the very one moving away from the ethnonationalist stand of the TPLF. The attempt to unite groups that see themselves as separate and autonomous entities reduces unity to an agglomeration, a mere sum of disparate elements, which can only be an appearance of unity. Instead, we should begin with unity and see the various groups as internal differentiations, the outcome of which is that unity becomes organic. In so being, the relationship turns into that of parts to the whole and is based on the interdependence of the parts at the expense of their separate selfhood.

The interdependence of the parts means that the whole–in this case the federal state–becomes the common good, that by which all regions benefit, thereby ceasing to be an abstract entity soaring above the component parts. Interdependence means also cooperation between regions yielding mutual benefits. Obviously, the way to obtain this kind of dependence is to adopt a principle of regional organization set on efficiency and practicality. What I want to explain is that in no way does the principle contradicts or negatively affects the purpose of the existing regional demarcations; it just makes them more efficient and democratic. Let me explain.

One of the problems of ethnic federalism, as designed by the TPLF, is the disproportionate nature of the existing ethnic states. The disproportion, essentially caused by the relatively huge size of Oromia and the Amhara region, creates imbalance, which imbalance provokes an unhealthy competition for the capture of the federal power between groups claiming to represent important ethnic groups. Naturally, the competition is perceived as a threat by minority groups. Thus, not only is the imbalance preventing democratic interrelations between various groups, but it is also a constant menace to national unity. The existence of two disproportionally vast and self-sufficient regions is a constant incentive for secessionist or hegemonic tendencies.

Since democracy presupposes equality, no federal arrangement can work democratically so long as there is no parity between the various regions. The breakup of Oromia and Amhara region into smaller units is, therefore, a requirement of democratic federalism. The whole point is to convince well-intentioned leaders from both sides that the breakup is in the best interest of the people they represent.

The ability of ethnic regions to defend their interest will not be diminished if opposition parties reach the consensus that no national leaders will be elected and no law will be enacted unless a majority of regional states support them. The agreement decreases the importance of the bulky regions since it requires their representatives to enlist the support of smaller regions to advance their agenda. Put otherwise, making elections and legislations dependent on the support of regional states, and not on size or the number of people, endows smallness with attractive traits. If size ceases to grant political importance, the common sense choice is to agree to a principle of regional organization that favors efficiency and democratic answerability.

The suggestion does not go against the present principle of linguistic demarcation of ethnic states. Nor does it dispute their right to self-rule. It just asks, in the name of democracy and equality, that regional states be commensurable and that federal power be, not the emanation of regional power, but its transcendence. The organization reproduces the principle of differentiation since regional states become parts of the whole rather than the whole being a sum of disparate and autonomous entities.

Such an organization encourages national unity since those who aspire to become national leaders cannot do so by propagating parochial and sectarian ideologies. On the contrary, their vision must integrate other groups as well, given that they need their support to become national leaders. Moreover, the principle that national leadership and federal laws must rise above ethnic groups stimulates competition within each ethnic group, obvious as it is that those ambitioning to become national leaders must first defeat and marginalize sectarian or secessionist rivals in their own camp. In this way, each state would produce an internal counter force to secessionist or hegemonic groups.

The general ideas is therefore to turn all influential positions at the federal level into incentives for integrative ideology and a disqualification for all views that fail to promote the common interest of all ethnic groups. The idea does no more than institutionalize the irrefutable logic that the best way to advance the interests of all ethnic groups is to erect a federal power that transcends the interests of any particular group. I add that it is the only consistent position: once the commitment to Ethiopian unity is reaffirmed, as did members of Medrek by rejecting the right to secede, it is incongruous to make such a commitment and yet refuse a principle of organization that makes sure that regional entities become component parts of an inclusive whole.

  1. Concrened
    | #1

    This paper recommends the demise of Oromia. It can potentially annoy medrek members of oromo origin.

    It looks like the respected prof. is against anything oromo and oromia. That is why the current government will rule Ethiopia for another 30 years.

  2. ፍሥሓ
    | #2

    Dear Professor: I know you are busy. Although your choice was to serve humanity in general and Ethiopians in particular, you are forced to leave your country so that, for the sake of your daily bread, you now must spend the large part of your time preparing for what you will feed American minds. You are not responsible for the circumstances that led you to this situation and it is not as easy as it appears to be to say who it was. I better mimic for now the words of the late famous writer Mamo Wudineh and say: alemetadel new! Yet, I believe you want this situation to change, you want it to change as badly as any concerned Ethiopian would want it to. Hence my request/wish: please give a little more time than you have been giving so far and let’s hear from you within a shorter interval than it used to be. Because, as you well know, there is a lot that we need to learn and a great deal to unlearn too. And who else than you and your likes will help us in this?

  3. Tazabi
    | #3

    The salient proints are very strong. Medrek is an organization that is hiding under Ethiopian nationalism to hide its ethnic orientation. It is clear that most Medrek members consider andint as the Amara wing and they want to protect their gains by virture of the TPLF victory in 1991. This is true for Seye, Gebru, Merrera, Dr. Negasso etc. They do not want to reorient the structure of the country to achieve unity but sweet talk teh oppostition to keep the current structure and power disttibution under thier kinder and softer leadership. So for them the problem is not the TPLF ideas but that the implementation in the form of Meles. What is even more disappointing is the fanfare from those who claim to support a united Ethiopia. Thanks Messay!

  4. dodo
    | #4

    Messay has rightly pointed out the fault lines of Medrek, which inevitably prevents them from moving forward. However, he says that he supports “the linguistic demarcation of ethnic states” currently imposed by the TPLF, which makes his weak counter argument superfluous. My suggestion is to go back to the old province arrangement, or better still, to the AWRAJA arrangement.

  5. aha!
    | #5

    I have time and gain brought up ethnic federalism, secessionism and totaliarinism as the contentious ideologies of ethnic and secessionist politics and/or policies built into the constitution by ex-liberation fronts with TPLF as its spear head and the alignments of parties along ethnic agenda rather than national agenda. That is the the difference between what you considered as monolic and those of TPLF/eprdf and/or its mirror image called Medrek/fdre, and lately as a coaliton before 2010 election and now as OPDO/EFDF/Medrek/fdre as front, a conglomerate of parties with ethnic agenda, maintaining the campaign for equal rights of the ethnic regions and seeking political space to be put on EPRDF and challenging EPRDF on democracy, human rights and economic development programms, I presume, side stepping the constitutional flaws of the TPLF/eprdf regime pertaining to ethnic federalism, seceessionism and totaliarinism, the transfer of power from the Prime Minister to the Deputy Prime Minister, the balance in the three branches government to initiate a truley democratic government with individual freedom, liberty and equality to supecede ethnic and secessionist rights as the central piece of the constitution. Instead Medrek is engaged in the renovation of the existing TPLF constitutuin that anathema to hindering indvidual rights, feree market capitalism and mixed economic model with private owner ship of land rather than state capitalism, where the question is not only the econmic model but also the mantra of economic development before democracy and where where free market capitalism is only available to TPLF and TPLF affiliated enterprises, forign corporations, cadres but not to silent majority of Ethiopians without dealing with the constitution frame work responsible to humanitarian, economic, political and environmental crises in the past 21 years with help oh the teletafi parties and loyalist opposition parties and now with seemingly opposition party/Medrek or OPDO/EFDF/fdre comprising Tigrai-Harena, UDJP and the loyalist oppositon parities loosely asociated as a front not merged with the national agenda for unity, territorial integrity, sovereignity of Ethiopia and Ethiopians, where the last item refers to individual freedom and equality to have precedence over ethinic and secessionist rights and resoring to the original provinces as federated autonomous states, calling for Eritrea to join as the original provinces of Ethiopia, with ports belonging to Ethiopia not to a province(s) one way or the other.

    While I agrree to yur last statement indicating the short fall of Mederk with respect to ethnic federalism, its argument of denouncing ethnic secessionism does equate to its platform of adopting ethnic federalism of apationing ethniopian land mass by major ethnic groups as a prelude to secessionism and futre boundry conflicts as the case with Ertirean province is uncalled for and looses grip of saving Ethiopia from disintegration.

  6. Tazabi
    | #6

    Ogaden belongs to ethnic Somalis, Asyita all the way to Awash near the Tigryan border belongs to Afars. Gojam belongs to Gojamis,Gonder to Gonderi,Sidamo to Sidamas I could go on. The point is no Paraliment,nor governement can decide or vote in the name of Ethiopia to eject indigenious people like the former Emperors and Meles did until recently.There always will be war as long as some ethnic groups covet tha land that does not belong to them. The land belongs to the indigeni!

  7. Confused?
    | #7

    The American essayist, lecturer, and poet, -Ralph Waldo Emerson said it best when he talks about wise men that live for ideas than circumstances.
    ‘It is a lesson which all history teaches wise men, to put trust in ideas, and not in circumstances.

    በዚህ እድሜዬ ስለሀገሬ ፖለቲካና አጠቃላይ ህይወት ከተረዳሁት ጥቂት እውነታ ውስጥ የሚከተለው ነገር ነው፡፡

    1ኛ)አጠቃላይ ሁኔታው(ፖለቲካው ኢኮኖሚው ወዘተ) በጥልቅ አስተሳሰብ ላይ የተመሰረተ ትርጉምና ፋይዳ ያለው የህይወትና የፖለቲካ ፍልስፍና የጎደለው ነው፡፡ስለዚህም ኮምፓስ እንደሌለው አውሮፕላን ወይንም መርከብ ከፍተኛ የሆነ ግራ መጋባትና ውጥንቅጥ ነው ያለው፡፡ቢያንስ ሀገር እንመራለን ብሎ ላይ ታች የሚባዝነው ኢትዮጵያዊ ፖለቲከኛና ምሁር ኤሊት ይህ የህይወትና የፖለቲካ ፍልስፍና ሊኖረው የግድ ነው፡፡

    2ኛ)ለአንድ ሀገርና ህዝብ አንድ የሆነ ትርጉምና ፋይዳ ያለው ወጥ ፖሊሲና ስርዓት(Policy, System, Constitution) የሚዘረጋው ከላይ ባለው መነሻ የሆነ የህይወትና የፖለቲካ ፍልስፍና ላይ እንደ ዋና መሰረት አድርጎ በመመርኮዝ ነው፡፡ስለዚህም ቅድሚያ ከሌለ የህይወትና የፖለቲካ ፍልስፍና ውጪ ከመሬት ተነስቶ ዝም ብሎ የሚዘረጋ ፖሊሲና ስርዓት(Policy, System, Constitution) ሊኖር አይችልም፡፡

    3ኛ)በህይወትና የፖለቲካ ፍልስፍና ላይ የተመሰረተን ትርጉምና ፋይዳ ያለው ወጥ ፖሊሲና ስርዓት(Policy, System, Constitution) ተግባራዊ ለማድረግ በራሱ አንድ መነሻና መንደርደሪያ የሚሆን ቅድሚያ ያለ የተወሰነ ሃይል/Power (የሰው ሃይል፣ እውቀት፣ፅኑ-እምነት፣የተደራጀ አመራር፣ገንዘብ፣ስልጣን፣ሚሊታሪ፣ደህንነት፣ኢኮኖሚ) ያስፈልጋል፡፡አስተሳሰብ የቱንም ያህል የተቀደሰና ድንቅ ቢሆን ተፅእኖ በመፍጠር ተግባራዊ ሊሆን የሚያስችለው ተጨባጭ የሆነ ሃይል/Power ያስፈልገዋል፡፡ተቃዋሚው ጎራ የቱንም ያህል የተቀደሰና ድንቅ የሆነ አስተሳሰብ ቢኖረው እራሱን ከውጪ በሚገኝ በብድርና በእርዳታ አቅሙን በሸፍጠኛ ፖለቲካው በኢኮኖሚው በሚሊታሪው በደህንነት በቴክኖክራቲክ ቢራከራሲው ወዘተ ላለፉት 21 ዓመታት ከገነባና ካፈረጠመ የባእዳን ሃይሎች ቅጥረኛ ከሆነው የወያኔ ሃይል ጋር መፋለም ከንቱ የዋህነትና የዚህንም አለም ተጨባጭ እውነታ ያለመረዳት ውጤት ነው፡፡

    4ኛ)የ3ኛው ታዳጊ ዓለም ብቻም ሳይሆን ከዚያም በላይ ያለው ያደገው ዓለም ጭምር በአንድ ወጥ የግሎባል ካፒታሊዝም ከፍተኛ ተፅእኖና ማእቀፍ ውስጥ ነው ያለው፡፡ከዚህ እውነታ ስንነሳ የ3ኛው ታዳጊ ዓለም ሀገራት ደግሞ ዛሬም ቢሆን በቤተሰቡ ቁጥጥር እንዳለ ታዳጊ ህፃን ልጅ በምእራቡ አለም በተለይም የአንግሎ አሜሪካን መዳፍ ስር ነው ያሉት፡፡ስለዚህም ፖለቲካው፣ ኢኮኖሚው፣ የአካባቢና የተፈጥሮ ሀብት አጠቃቀምና ብክለት፣ሀገራዊ ሉአላዊነቱ፣ሰብዓዊ መብት፣ዲሞክራሲው ወዘተ ሁሉ በዚህ አለም አቀፍ የግሎባል ካፒታሊዝም ከፍተኛ ተፅእኖ ያለበት ማእቀፍና መዳፍ ውስጥ ነው ያለው፡፡እውነታው ይህ ሆኖ እያለ በዚህ ወሳኝ ጉዳይ ላይ ያለውን እውነታ ጆሮ ዳባ ልበስ ብሎ ምእራቡ አለም ከትሞ ያለውም ሆነ ሌላው ተቃዋሚ ሃይል ሁሉ የዘመናችን ማዘናጊያ የፋሽን ቃል የሆነውን ዲሞክራሲ የሚለውን ነገር ከልክ በላይ እያራገበ በዚህ መጠመዱና በዚህም ቅኝት ለህዝብ እታገላለሁኝ ማለቱ እራሱንም ሆነ ህዝብን እያታለለ እንደሆነ ሊሰመርበት ይገባል፡፡በሚሊታሪ ሃይል ጭምር የሚደገፍ ገደብ የለሽና ድንበር ዘለል የኒዎ-ሊበራሊዝም ግሎባል ካፒታል(Predatory Global Finance Capital) በሰለጠነበት አለም ውስጥ በታዳጊው አለም ያለ ድሃ ህዝብ አይደለም በሰለጠነውም አለም ውስጥ ያለው ህዝብ ጭምር ዛሬ ሰብዓዊና ዲሞክራሲያዊ መብቱ ተገፎና ወደ ድህነት አረንk እየተገፋ ዘመናዊ ባርነት ውስጥ ነው ያለው፡፡እነ አላሙዲን ዛሬ እኛ ኢንቨስተር ተብዬዎች አጭበርባሪ ስለሆንን መንግስት አይኑን ይጨፍንልን እስከማለት ድረስ ሄደው እየተሳለቁብን ነው፡፡እንደ አላሙዲን አይነቶችና ግሎባል ካፒታሊዝም በቅጥረኝነት እንደ ቀኝ እጅ የሚያስቀምጡት እንደ መለስና ወያኔ አይነቱ ቅጥረኛና የማፍያ ስራ የሚሰራ ቡድንማ ለሀገርና ለህዝብ ህልውናና ደህንነት ቅድሚያ በመስጠት እንደ መንግስትም ሊታይ ስላልቻለ አይኑን መጨፈን ብቻ አይደለም ጆሮው የስሜት ህዋሶቹ ህሊናውና ሁለመናው ለባእዳን ሃይሎች ተገዥ ባርያ ነው የሆነው፡፡የዚህ ሁሉ ዘመናዊ ባርነት ሰለባ የሆነውና አበሳውን የሚያየው ተራው ህዝብ ግን አይኑን ሊጨፍን አይችልም፡፡በዘመነ ግሎባል ካፒታሊዝም ገንዘብ የሰውን ልጅ ዘመናዊ ባርነት ውስጥ በከተተበት ዘመን ውስጥ ዲሞክራሲና ሰብዓዊ መብት እንዴት እንደሚከበር የተቃዋሚው ሃይል ምንም ግልፅ የሆነ ትርጉም ያለው ማብራሪያ አስካሁን አልሰጠም፡፡ወያኔና መለስ ነፃ-ፕሬስ ያፍናሉ ሰብዓዊ መብትና ዲሞክራሲን አላስከበሩም ዘረኛ ናቸው ወዘተ ወዘተ ይባላል፡፡ግን ለምን(WHY?) የሚለው ወሳኝ ጥያቄ ተነስቶ በጥልቀት ሲጠየቅም ሆነ መልስ ሲሰጥበት አልተሰማም፡፡የመለስና ወያኔ ዘረኝነትና በተከታይም ያለ አፈናና ጭቆና ዝም ብሎ ከደደቢት በረሃ ብቻ የፈለቀ ነገር አይደለም፡፡ይህንን ዘረኝነት ኮትኩቶ ለራሱ ስውር አለማና ፍላጎት ሊጠቀምበት የሚፈልግ የውጪ የባእዳን ሃይል የዘመናዊ ቅኝ ግዛት ሴራ አለ፡፡ሀገሪቱ በዘረኝነት የተዋቀረ የውሸት ፌዴራሊዝም እንድትከተልም የተደረገው ከዚህ የተነሳ ነው፡፡ነገር ግን ለአስተዳደር እንዲመች በኢትዮጵያ ፌዴራሊዝም የሚያስፈልግ ግድ ከሆነም ከዚህ በኋላ ሰሜኑን ሰሜን ኢትዮጵያ፣ደቡቡን ደቡብ ኢትዮጵያ ፣ምእራቡን ምእራብ ኢትዮጵያ፣ምስራቁን ምስራቅ ኢትዮጵያ፣መካከሉን ማእከላዊ ኢትዮጵያ ብሎ ማካለልም ይቻላል፡፡በተለይም ላለፉት 21 ዓመታትና አሁን ያለው የኢትዮጵያ የውስጥ አጠቃላይ ፖለቲካዊ ኢኮኖሚያዊ ማህበራዊ ስነ-ልቦናዊ ወዘተ በራሱ የውጪ ባእዳን ሃይሎችና የግሎባል ካፒታሊዝም ከፍተኛ ተፅእኖ ያረፈበት ነው፡፡ይህንን እውነታ ወደጎን ትቶ መካድና ስለ ዲሞክራሲ ሰብዓዊ መብት ነፃ-ፕሬስ ወዘተ ብቻ ማቀንቀን እራስን ማሞኘት ነው፡፡በእርግጥ ለንደንና ዋሽንግተን ውስጥ ከከተመ ዲያስፖራዊ ተቃዋሚ ሃይል ይህንን አጀንዳ እንዲያነሳ መጠበቅ ሞኝነት ሊሆን ይችላል፡፡

    5ኛ)የቀዝቃዛውን ጦርነት ማክተምና በዚህም የተነሳ የታላkን ሶቭዬት ህብረት መፍረስና የሶሻሊዝምን ጊዚያዊ ቅድቀት ተከትሎ በተፈጠረው የሃይል ሚዛን አሰላለፍ የተነሳ ላለፉት 20 ዓመታት ያህል አለም በአንግሎ አሜሪካን የግሎባል ካፒታሊዝም ኒዎ-ሊበራልና ኢምፔሪያሊስታዊ መዳፍ ስር እየወደቀች መጥታለች፡፡ብዙ የሰው ህይወትና ንብረት የወደመበት ለ17 ዓመታት ያህል በደርግና በወያኔ/ሻእብያ መካከል የተደረገው እልህ አስጨራሽ ጦርነት ዋና መንስኤውም በአንድ በኩል እነ እንግሊዝና ጣሊያን ቀብረውት የሄዱት የቅኝ ግዛት ቅሪት እርዝራዥ ሲሆን በሌላ በኩል ደግሞ የዚህ የቀዝቃዛው ጦርነት አንዱ መገለጫ ነበር፡፡የዚህ በነፃነት ስም የተደረገ ጦርነት ውጤቱም ኤርትራን ከኢትዮጵያ ማስገንጠል ኢትዮጵያን ጉሮሮዋን አንቆ የባህር በር ማሳጣትና ቀስ በቀስም በዘረኝነት ፖለቲካና በግሎባል ካፒታሊዝም ኒዎ-ሊበራል የኢኮኖሚ ፖሊሲ ማዳከም ሆነ፡፡መለስ/ወያኔ እና ኢሳያስ/ሻእብያ ለባእዳን ቅጥረኝነት በማደር ተግባራዊ ያደረጉት ይህንን ጥፋት ነው፡፡የመለስ ራእይም ይህንን ድብቅ የባእዳን ሴራና ተልእኮ ማስፈፀም ነበር፡፡በዚህም የተነሳ እሩጫዬን ጨርሻለሁኝ (Mission Accomplished) ብለው መለስ ይህችን አለም ከተሰናበቱ በኋላ መለስ በአለም ውስጥ የተሳካላቸው World Class Leader ተብለው በእነ ሱዛን ራይስ ቢመሰገኑ ያንሳቸዋል እንጂ አይበዛባቸውም፡፡ስለዚህም የመለስ ተከታዮችም የመለስን ራእይ እናስቀጥላለን ሲሉ ተቃዋሚውም የለም ዲሞክራሲን አሰፍናለሁኝ ሲል ነገር ግን ሁለቱም እያወሩ ያሉት በአንድ አለም አቀፍ ስርዓት በሆነው የግሎባል ካፒታሊዝም ማእቀፍ (Paradigm Setup) ውስጥ ሆነው ነው፡፡ነገር ግን ከእለት ወደ እለት እየተስፋፋ በመጣው የኢኮኖሚ ቀውስና ባስከተለው ድህነት ስራ አጥነት ማህበራዊ ቀውስና ገደብ የለሽ የተፈጥሮ ሀብትና የአካባቢ ብክነት ዝርፊያና ብክለት የተነሳ የተቀረው ዓለም ዛሬ ይህንን አለም አቀፍ ስርዓት በእጅጉ እየኮነነና በስፋትና በጥልቀት እየመረመረ አማራጭ መፍትሄዎችን እያፈላለገና እየታገለ ነው፡፡ዛሬ የተቃዋሚው ጎራ ዘወትር የሚያቀነቅነው የምርጫ ዲሞክራሲ ሰብዓዊ መብት ነፃ-ፕሬስ የግሎባል ካፒታሊዝምን ኒዎ-ሊበራልና ኒዎ ኮሎኒያሊዝም ኢምፔሪያሊስታዊ የረቀቀና የተቀነባበረ ስራዎች ሊቆጣጠርና ሊያስተካክል አልቻለም፡፡ለዚህም ነው በመግቢያዬ ቁጥር አንድ ላይ ትርጉምና ፋይዳ ያለው የህይወትና የፖለቲካ ፍልስፍና ያስፈልጋል የምለው፡፡ይህ ሲሆን ነው አጠቃላዩን ፖለቲካና ህይወታችንን ከምርጫ ካርድና ምርጫ ካርድን በመጠቀም እንዲቀይረው ከምንፈልገው የሥልጣን አሰላለፍ የሰዎች በስለጣን ላይ መቀያየር ውስጥ ካለ ጠባብ እይታ በዘለለ ለማየት የምንችለው፡፡ስለዚህም የኢትዮጵያ ችግር ዝምብሎ ከሚታየው በምእራቡ አለም ካለው አማላይ የምርጫ ዲሞክራሲ ጋር ብቻ የተያያዘና በዚህም የሚፈታ አይደለም፡፡ለስልጣን የሚቅበዘበዙ ጠባብና ጥራዝ ነጠቅ የፖለቲካ ሃይሎች ይህ የምርጫ ዲሞክራሲ የእነሱ ራእይና ግብ ሊሆን ይችላል፡፡የሀገርን የህዝብን የትውልድን አጠቃላይ ህልውና ደህንነትና መፃኢ እጣ ፈንታዎች አደጋ ውስጥ በመጣል ለዚህ ጥፋት በመሰሪነት በታለመና ስርዓቱን ለዚህ ጥፋት ለማጠናከር ተብሎ ከባእዳን ሃይሎች በብድርና በእርዳታ የተገነባ ለዚያው ጥቂት የስርዓቱን አገልጋዮች የሚጠቅምን ልማት ልክ እንደ ተአምራዊ የኢኮኖሚ እድገትና ስኬት እየዩ ኢኮኖሚው አድ¹ል ችግሩ ያለው ፖለቲካው ዲሞክራሲው ነፃ-ፕሬሱና ሰብዓዊ መብት ላይ ነው እያሉ ኢኮኖሚውን ችላ ብሎ በምርጫ ዲሞክራሲ ላይ ብቻ መረባረብ አጉል ጅልነት ነው፡፡ስለዚህም ኢኮኖሚውን ስናስብ የሶሻሊዝም መልካም እሴት የሆነው የWelfare-State እንደገና ተጠናክሮ መቀጠል አለበት፡፡ህዝብን የምርጫ ካርድ እየሰጡና በየሚዲያው እንዲለፈልፍ ብቻ እያደረጉ በተቃራኒው ግን የሶሻሊዝም መልካም እሴት የሆነውን የWelfare-State እያጠፉና ዳቦ እየከለከሉ ነገር ግን ዲሞክራሲ ነፃነት እያሉ ማላዘንና በህዝብ መቀለድ መቆም አለበት፡፡እነ አላሙዲን ከውጪ እነ ቢዮንሴን እያመጡና በገነቡት የሚሊኒየም አዳራሽ ውስጥ በቅጡ አደብ ያልገዛውንና ያልሰከነውን ወጣትና አዲስ ትውልድ በብልጭልጭ ነገር እያታለሉና አሸሸ ገዳሜ እንዲል እያደረጉ ከበስተጀርባ ግን በረቀቀና በተቀነባበረ መንገድ የሀገርና የህዝብን ሀብት ከወያኔ ጋር እየተሞዳሞዱ እየዘረፉ ነው፡፡
    ምንም ቅድመ ክፍያ ጭምር ያልተፈፀመባቸው ለሀዝብ በተመጣጣኝ ዋጋ ኢኮኖሚያዊ አገልግሎት የሚሰጡ የመንግስት የልማት ድርጅቶች በኢንቨስትመንት ሽፋን በአደባባይ እየተዘረፉ ነው፡፡የተቃዋሚው ጎራ በዘመኑ ባለው የምእራቡ አለም የምርጫ ዲሞክራሲ ዘይቤ ተጠምዶ ብቻ በተቃራኒው የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ የመኖር ዋና ህልውናውና ደህንነቱ የሆነው ኢኮኖሚያዊ መሰረቱና ነፃነቱ እየተገፈፈና ቀስበቀስ እየተዳከመና እየመነመነ ባለበት ሁኔታ በምድራዊ ዳቦ ሳይሆን ከሰማይ ህብስተ መና እየወረደለት ይኖር ይመስል ዲሞክራሲ በሚለው ቃል ብቻ ተጠምዶ የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ የምርጫ ካርድ ብቻ እየተሰጠው እንደሚኖር አድርጎ ማሰቡንና ሊበራል-ዲሞክራሲ እያለ መቀለዱን ማቆም አለበት፡፡መለስና ወያኔ የሚከተለው አብዮታዊ ዲሞክራሲ/የአልባንያ ከሚኒዝም/እስታሊኒዝም ወዘተ ነው እኛ ግን የምንከተለው ሊበራል-ዲሞክራሲ ነው እያሉ ኢትዮጵያንና የኢትዮጵያን ህዝብ አሁን ባለው የግሎባል ካፒታሊዝም ኒዎ-ሊበራል ኢምፔሪያሊስታዊና ኒዎ-ኮሎኒያሊዝም ዘመናዊ ባርነት መዳፍ ስር ባለ ስርዓት ውስጥ ወደፊትም እንድትቀጥል መፍረድ በታሪክም በፈጣሪም ዘንድ ተጠያቂ ያደርጋል፡፡የግሎባል ካፒታሊዝም ኒዎ-ሊበራል ኢምፔሪያሊስታዊና ኒዎ-ኮሎኒያሊዝም ስርዓት ታዳጊው አለም ውስጥ ስልጣን ላይ ያለ እንደ መለስና ወያኔ ያለ ስብስብ ፖለቲካውን በሚመለከት ከአንጀቱም ይሁን ከአንገቱ ዲሞክራሲን ቢያሰፍን ባያሰፍን ጉዳዩ አይደለም፡፡ነገር ግን ግሎባል ካፒታሊዝም የየታዳጊውን ሀገራት የውስጥ የኢኮኖሚ ስርዓት ግን ለራሱ አለም አቀፍ ድንበር ዘለል ኩባንያዎች(Trans National Companies) አሰራር በሚመች መንገድ ያለ የኒዎ-ሊበራል ፖሊሲ እንዲዋቀርለት አላማውና ፍላጎቱ ነው፡፡አዎ እነ አላሙዲንም መንግስት አይኑን ይጨፍንልን ያሉት ይህንን ነው፡፡ከዚያ ውጪ ይህ አይነት አለም አቀፍ ድንበር ዘለል ኩባንያዎች(Trans National Companies) አላማና ፍላጎት እስከተጠበቀ ድረስ ግሎባል ካፒታሊዝም እንደኛ አይነት ሀገር ውስጥ ዲሞክራሲ ሰፈነ አልሰፈነ ሰብዓዊ መብት ተረገጠ ተከበረ ነፃ ፕሬስ ሰፈነ አልሰፈነ ወይንም እየተደረጉ ስላሉ የምርጫ ወጎችና ድራማዎች ያን ያህል ደንታው አይደለም፡፡ወያኔዎችና በተያያዥ ያሉ የኢኮኖሚው ጥቅም ዋና ተካፋዮችም ቢሆኑ ከዚህ በኋላ በበድርና በእርዳታ እንደዚሁም በዝርፊያ የመሰረቱት እንደ ኢፈርት አይነት ያለ የኢኮኖሚ ኢምፓየር እስካልተነካ ድረስና በወንጀለኝነት ሳይጠየቁ ይህንንም የኢኮኖሚ ኢምፓየር በቀጣይነት ለማስቀጠልና መጠቀም አስከቻሉ ድረስ የፖለቲካ ስልጣኑን በሂደት ለመልቀቅ የማይፈልጉበት ምክንያት ብዙም የለም የሚል ግምት አለኝ፡፡ስለዚህም የምንከተለው የኢኮኖሚ ስርዓትና በተያያዥ ያለው የፖለቲካ ስርዓት ምንድን ነው?ነው ወይንስ የሀገሪቱና የህዝቡ የመኖር የህልውና መሰረት የሆነው ለም መሬት የተፈጥሮ ሀብትና ሌላም የኢኮኖሚ መሰረትና ሌላም የጋራ መልካም እሴት(Common Goods) ሁሉ በነፃ-ገበያና በኢንቨስትመንት ስም ለባእዳን ሃይሎች እየተቸበቸበና ዘመናዊ ጭሰኝነት ውስጥ እየገባን ዛሬም ስለ ምርጫ ዲሞክራሲና ነፃ-ፕሬስ ማላዘን ነው የምንፈልገው?አብዛኛው በተቃዋሚው ጎራ የተሰለፈው ምሁር ሁሉ ከወያኔ ጀርባ ያደፈጠውን ጥፋትና አደጋ ዲሞክራሲ በሚባለው በቅጡ ያልጠረና ያልተጣጣመ ዘመነኛ የተዝጎረጎረና ደብዛዛ መነጥር ለማየት ባለመቻሉ ወይንም ለማየት በመፍገምገሙ ይህ አይነት ጥፋትና አደጋ በዚህች ሀገር ላይ እንዲደርስ ሆነ፡፡ሀገሪቱ በረቀቀና በተቀነባበረ መንገድ ዘመናዊ ቅኝ ግዛት ውስጥ ገብታ አበሳዋን እያየች ባለበት ሁኔታ ውስጥ ጭራሽ ስለ መለስና ወያኔ ኢ-ዲሞክራሲያዊነትና ነፃ-ፕሬስ ማላዘን ምን የሚሉት ጅልነት ነው?ነገሩ ሁሉ ቅኝ-ግዛት ሊያደርግ የመጣው ጣሊያን ዲሞክራሲያዊ መብቴን ገፈፈኝ ብሎ የማላዘን ያህል ነው፡፡ስለዚህም ፖለቲካዊ አፈናና የሰብዓዊ መብት እረገጣ በቀጥታም ሆነ በተዘዋዋሪ ከኢኮኖሚው ውስብስብ ሁኔታ ጋር በእጅጉ የተያያዘ ነው፡፡ያለ እውነተኛ የኢኮኖሚ ነፃነት እውነተኛ የፖለቲካ ነፃነት የለም፡፡እንደዚሁም ያለ እውነተኛ የፖለቲካ ነፃነት እውነተኛ የኢኮኖሚ ነፃነት የለም፡፡ፖለቲካውና ኢኮኖሚው የማይነጣጠሉ የአንድ ሳንቲም ሁለት ገፅታዎች ናቸው፡፡
    ለዚህም ነው ጥርት ያለ የህይወትና የፖለቲካ ፍልስፍና እንዲኖረን ግድ የሚለው፡፡በምእራቡ አለም ውስጥ በሊበራል-ዲሞክራሲ ጭንብል ውስጥ ተደብቆ ያለው ቅድሚያ እኔና እኔ ብቻ የሚል በአንድ ጫፍ ያለ እንደዚሁም በተቃራኒው በምስራቁ አለም ውስጥ ያለው ቅድሚያ እኛ የሚል በሌላ ጫፍ ያለ ሶሻሊስታዊ የህይወትና የፖለቲካ ፍልስፍና እንዴት ነው ሊታረቁና አብረው ሊሄዱ የሚችሉት?በዓለም ላይ 700 ያህል ሚሊታሪ ቤዞችንና በዓለም ላይ ሌሎች ሃያላን ሀገራት በአንድ ላይ ጭምር ተደምረው የማይስተካከሉት የወታደራዊ ወጪ የምታደርገው አሜሪካን የምትነግረንን አይነት ዲሞክራሲና ሰብዓዊ መብት እንዴት አድርገን ነው አመኔታ ልንጥልበት የምንችለው?በዚህ አይነት ነባረዊ አለም ውስጥ ደካማ ሀገራት መንግስታትና ህዝቦች እንዴት አድርገው ነው የራሳቸውን የውስጥ ጉዳይ ከዚህ አይነት የግሎባል ካፒታሊዝም ተፅእኖ ተላቀው በራሳቸው መንገድ እጣ ፈንታቸውን ሊያስተናግዱ የሚችሉት?ዞሮ ዞሮ ግን ልል የፈለግሁት የተቃዋሚው ጎራ ዛሬም የምርጫ ዲሞክራሲን እንደበቀቀን እያላዘነ ለመቀጠል ነው የሚፈልገው ወይንስ ወደፊት እንደ ሀገርና ህዝብ ልንከተለው የምንፈልገውን የኢኮኖሚ ስርዓት በግልፅ ሊነግረን ይችላልን? ነው ወይንስ ዛሬም ሶሻሊዝም ማለት ደርግ ሶሻሊዝም ማለት እስታሊን ወዘተ እያለ የሶሻሊዝምን መልካም እሴት በዚህ የጠበበና የተንሸዋረረ መነፅር እያየ መቀለድ ነው የሚፈልገው?ካፒታሊዝም በሊበራል-ዲሞክራሲ ሽፋን የውሸት ዲሞክራሲን እንደሸቀጥ ለማቅረብ ከቻለ ሶሻሊዝም እውነተኛውን ህዝባዊ ዲሞክራሲ ለማቅረብ የማይችልበትን የጠራ ትርጉምና ፋይዳ ያለው የሕይወትና የፖለቲካ ፍልስፍና ማቅረብ የሚችል ሰው ሃሳቡን ቢያካፍለኝ ፈቃደኛ ነኝ፡፡ዲሞክራሲን ከሶሻሊዝም ለያይቶ ለካፒታሊዝም ብቻ የግል ንብረት አድርጎ የሰጠው ማነው?ካፒታሊዝም ኋላ ቀር በሆነው ፊውዳሊዝም ላይ ተገቢውን የስልጣኔ ጮራ በመፈንጠቅ በሳይንስና በቴክኖሎጂ አሳድጎና ለውጥ አምጥቶ በመቀየር የራሱን ታሪካዊ ሃላፊነት የተወጣ በመሆኑ ሊከበርና ሊመሰገን ቢገባውም ቅሉ ግን ከዚህ በኋላ ግን እንደ ስርዓት መቀጠል የማይገባው ጊዜው እያለፈበት ያለና እራሱን በሊበራል-ዲሞክራሲና ሊበራል-ኢኮኖሚ ጭንብል ውስጥ ደብቆ እንደገና ወደኋላ በመመለስ በኒዎ-ሊበራል አሰራሩና ፖሊሲው የተነሳ ወደ ዘመናዊ ፊውዳሊዝምነት እየተቀየረ የመጣ ስርዓት ነው፡፡የአንድን ሀገርና ህዝብ ስርዓትና ማንነት የምንመዝነው አጠቃላይ ባለው በታሪኩ በባህሉ በሃይማኖቱ በስነ-ልቦናው በፖለቲካው በኢኮኖሚው ወዘተ ውስብስብ ነገሮች እንጂ ለብቻቸው ተገንጥለው አሁን በዘመናቸን በተፈጠሩ በምርጫ ዲሞክራሲ በነፃ-ፕሬስና ሰብዓዊ መብት በሚባሉ ዘመነኛ አሰራሮች ብቻ አይደለም፡፡ስለዚህም እንከተለዋለን ብለን የምናስበው የኢኮኖሚ ስርዓትም ዝም ብሎ በነፃ-ገበያ ሽፋንና በኢንቨስትመንት ስም ነፃ-ዝርፊያ የሚያራምድ ሳይሆን እነዚህን ውስብስብ ነገሮች ግምት ውስጥ የሚያስገባ መሆን አለበት፡፡ጥቂት ግለሰቦች የአንድን ሀገር የኢኮኖሚ ስርዓት በሞኖፖል ከተቆጣጠሩና ህዝብን ዘመናዊ ጭሰኛ ካደረጉት በኋላ ዲሞክራሲ አለ ለማስባል ብቻ ህዝብ ምርጫ ካርድ የሚወስደው ወይንም በነፃ-ፕሬስ ላይ የሚለፈልፈው ለምን አላማና ፍላጎት ተብሎ ነው?ለዲሞክራሲ ለዲሞክራሲማ ዛሬ ትውልዱ ማንነቱን እረስቶ በስነ-ምግባር የተበላሸ በመጤ ባህልና ህይወት የተመረዘ ሆኖ ሰዎች እርቃናቸውን በአደባባይ ቢሄዱ ወይንም 18 ዓመት ያልሞላቸው ታዳጊ ልጆች በአደባባይ መጠጥ ቢጠጡና ሲጋራና ሃሺሽ ቢያጨሱ ሃይ የሚላቸው የማይኖርበት አይነት እራሳችንን የሚያጠፋን አይነት ዲሞክራሲ እነ ወያኔ ፈቅደውልናል፡፡
    ስለዚህም ዛሬ የሚታየው ሙስና የስነ-ምግባር ብልሹነትና ወዘተ አይነት የማህበራዊ ቀውስ ስንከተለው የነበረው የግሎባል ካፒታሊዝም ኒዎ-ሊበራል ፖሊሲ የፈጠረው የኢኮኖሚ ቀውስ ውጤት ነው፡፡የጋራ የሆኑትና በሶሻሊዝም መልካም እሴት ላይ የተመሰረቱት የWelfare-State አሰራርና እና Common-Goods ሁሉ በነፃ-ገበያና በኢንቨስትመንት ስም ጥቂቶች እንዲዘርፉት ነው አየተደረገ ያለው፡፡በጥቂቶችና ብዙሃኑ መካከል ይህ ሊታመን የማይችል የሰማይና የምድር ልዩነት ያለው የሀብት ክፍፍል ልዩነት የተፈጠረው እውን በችሎታ እውቀትና ታታሪነት ልዩነት የተነሳ ወይንስ በ40 ዓመት እድልና በፈጣሪ ፈቃድ ነው?ነው ወይንስ እነ አላሙዲን እንዳሉት መንግስትና እኛ አይናችንን ስንጨፍን እነሱ አይናቸውን በደንብ ገልጠው ስለሚንቀሳቀሱ ነው?
    በዘመነ ግሎባል ካፒታሊዝም ግን እውነታው ሙስና እራሱ ህጋዊ ሽፋንና ቴክኖክራቲክ ቢሮክራሲና ስርዓት ተበጅቶለት ከእያንዳንዱ ሀብት ጀርባ ወንጀል አለ ብቻ ሳይሆን ከእያንዳንዱ ወንጀል ጀርባም ሀብት አለ እስከመባል የተደረሰበት የስርዓቱ ባህሪ ወደመሆን ጫፍ ላይ የደረሰበት ነው፡፡መለስ በቅርቡ ከሞታቸው በፊት በነበረው የአለም ኢኮኖሚክ ፎረም ላይ የታዳጊው ሀገራትና አፍሪካ መሪዎች ሙስና ምንጭ አለም አቀፍ ኢንቨስተሮች ናቸው ያሉትን አባባል ከሞታቸው በኋላ የእሳቸውን ቀኝ እጅነት ያጡት አላሙዲን መንግስት አይኑን ይጨፍንልን ብለው የመለስን አባባል አረጋገጡት፡፡እዚህ ላይ ነው እንግዲህ በሊበራል-ዲሞክራሲና ሊበራል-ኢኮኖሚ ሽፋን ስር ያለውን የግሉ ዘርፍ የሚባለውንና ነፃ-ገበያን ኢንቨስትመንትን እና FDI በአጠቃላዩ የህይወትና የፖለቲካ ፍልስፍና መነፅር በአንክሮ መመርመር ያለብን፡፡ስለዚህም የግለሰቦች ነፃነት ደህንነት ህልውና አላማ ፍላጎት ሊከበርና ሊበረታታ የሚገባው በተመሳሳይ ያለውን የተቀረውን ማህበረሰብ የጋራ ነፃነት ደህንነት ህልውና አላማ ፍላጎት እስካልተፃረረ ድረስ ብቻ ነው፡፡ሌላው የኢኮኖሚውን ጉዳይ በሚመለከት የካፒታሊስቱ ልሂቃን ደጋፊ ምሁራን የሆኑት እነ አዳም እስሚዝ ገበያው እራሱን በራሱ የመቆጣጠርና የማረጋጋት ውስጣዊ መለኮታዊ ባህሪ አለውና መንግስት ጣልቃ ሳይገባ ዝም ብለን እንተወው የሚለው አባባላቸው ብዙ ዘመናትን ተሻግሮ ዛሬ የካፒታሊስቱ ዋና ልሂቃን አባል ባይሆኑም ዋና ሃብታም ቢሊዬነር ኢንቨስተር የሆኑት የተከበሩት አላሙዲን መንግስት ሊበራል ሆኖ አይኑን ይጨፍንልን የሚለው አባባላቸው የተወሰነ ተመሳሳይነት መኖሩ የሚገርም ነው፡፡ ይህ እንዳለ ሆኖ ነገር ግን Check and Balance ያለው የተመጣጠነ ጤነኛና ትክክለኛ የተመጣጣነ የነፃ-ገበያ ስርዓት የሚኖረው ግን በግሉ ዘርፍ Domain መካከል በሚደረግ ውድድር ብቻ ሳይሆን ከዚህ Domain ውጪ የግሉ ዘርፍና በተቃራኒው ያለው የጋራ ጥቅምን የሚያስጠብቁት የህዝብ/የመንግስት ዘርፍ በራሳቸው አንድ ላይ በነፃ-ገበያ ስርዓት ለመስራት ሲችሉ ጭምር ነው፡፡ነገር ግን አሁንም እዚህ ላይ ያለ ስርዓትና ህግ(Order) ዝም ብሎ ነፃ(Liberal) የሚባል ነገር የለም፡፡እዚህ ላይ ስለ ሊበራሊዝም ስናስብ መጠንቀቅ ያለብን እራሳቸው ሊበራሊዝምን የሚሰብኩትና ኒዎ-ሊበራሊዝም የሚያራምዱት በተቃራኒው ሶሻሊዝምን የሚኮንኑት አለም አቀፍ የካፒታሊስት ልሂቃን የራሳቸውን ሶሻሊሽታዊ ስርዓት(Secluded System of unearned Privilege) ለራሳቸው በሚመች መንገድ እንዳዋቀሩና እንደገነቡ መረዳት አለብን፡፡ዛሬ ወያኔም በጥራዝ-ነጠቅ አስተሳሰብና የፖለቲካ እይታ ለሚመራ ሰው እጅግ አሳሳች የሆነ አብዮታዊ ዲሞክራሲ እያለ እያምታታ በተቃራኒው ግን የራሱን ሚሊታሪ ደህንነት ቴክኖክራቲክ ቢሮክራሲ ሚዲያ ወዘተ በመጠቀም የራሱን ኢፈርት የሚባል ትልቅ የኢኮኖሚ ኢምፓየር እንዲመሰርት የሆነው የካፒታሊዝምን እውነተኛ ውስጣዊ ባህሪና ውስብስብ አሰራር በቅጡ ካለመረዳታችን በመነጨ ነው፡፡እነ ሌኒን ቀደም ብለው እንደተናገሩት የቡረዣው መንግስትና እራሱ ቡርዣው ሰምና ወርቅ ሆነው ሁለቱን በቅጡ ለመለየት የሚከብድበት ደረጃ ላይ ሲደረስ የውጪውን ትተነው አሁን የምናየው የመለስ/ወያኔ ሰርዓት አንዱ ዋና መገለጫ ነው፡፡በዚህ የተነሳም የቡርዣው የግል ድርጅቶች ሲከስሩ ወይንም ሊከስሩ ሲሉ የቡርዣው መንግስት በውድ ዋጋ ይገዛቸዋል ከተወሰነ ጊዜ በኋላ አገግመው አትራፊ መሆን ሲጀምሩ ደግሞ መልሶ በርካሽ ዋጋ ለቡርዣው ይሸጣቸዋል፡፡በቅርቡ የወያኔው መንግስት ከፓኪስታኑ ኢንቨስተር ገና በቅጡ ያልተጠናቀቀ በቢሊዮኖች ብር የሚገመት ጅምር የስኳር ፕሮጀክት ወደ መንግስት ይዞታነት ገዛ ሲባል የተጀመረው የፕሮጀክቱ ዋጋ(Asset) ምን ያህል እንደሚያወጣ በትትክክል ተተምኖ እንደሆነ ግልፅ ከስንት አንድ ካልሆነ በስተቀር አብዛኛው የሚፈጠረው የግሉ ዘርፍ ሀብት የተቀረውን ዘላቂ የሆነ የሀገርና የህዝብ የጋራ እሴትና ሀብት(Common Goods) ያለአግባባብ በማባከንና በመዝረፍ ጭምር ነው፡፡አይደለም፡፡ስለዚህም የግሉ ዘርፍ የሚባለውን ነገር ልክ የተለየ የቅድስና ስራ የሚሰራ ቅዱስ መለኮታዊ ስርዓት እንደሆነ ባንስለው ጥሩ ነው፡፡Money Capital accumulation for the minority private sector is usually achieved through common goods resource devouring/plundering/despoiling and also massive labor wage subjugation and impoverishment. Money Capital accumulation for the minority private sector is usually achieved through at the opportunity cost of Natural-Capital and Social-Capital. So deep inside in it there is pervasive inhuman injustice that requires deep political insight and justice.ስለዚህም የተቃዋሚው ጎራ ዛሬም ሶሻሊዝም ማለት ደርግ ማለት ነው ሶሻሊዝም ማለት እስታሊን ማለት ነው እያለ በጥራዝ-ነጠቅ እይታ እየተመራ የሶሻሊዝም መልካም እሴት የሆነውን የWelfare-State እያጣጣለ ይህንን አለም አቀፍ የግሎባል ካፒታሊዝም ኒዎ-ሊበራል ስርዓት በሊበራል-ዲሞክራሲ ሽፋን ባለበት ማስቀጠል ነው የሚፈልገው ማለት ነው?በኪራይ ሰብሳቢነትና በሙስና የተመረዘ የጋራ ህዝባዊና ሀገራዊ መልካም እሴት ለመፍጠር የማይችል የግል ዘርፍ በኢንቨስትመንትና በነፃ-ገበያ ሽፋን ነፃ-ዝርፊያ እየፈፀመ ሀገርና ህዝብ እንዲዘርፍና እንዲበታትን መፈቀድ የለበትም፡፡የሀገር ህልውናና ሉአላዊነት የሚጠበቀው ደግሞ የጋራ ህዝባዊ መሰረት ያለው አጠቃላይ ስርዓት ሲፈጠርና ሲገነባ ብቻ ነው፡፡በመኖርና አለመኖር መካከል ያለና የኢኮኖሚ መሰረቱ ተናግቶ ዳቦ በቅጡ ያልበላ ዜጋና ህዝብ ስለ ሀገር ጉዳይ ብሄራዊ ስሜት ኖሮት ለመጨነቅ ስብእናው አይፈቅድለትም፡፡ስለዚህም ኢትዮጵያ አፍሪካና ታዳጊው አለም እንደ ሀገርና ህዝብ የጋራ ህልውናቸውና ደህንነታቸው ተጠብቆ እንደ ሀገር ለመቀጠል የሚችሉት በምእራቡ አለም የግሎባላ ካፒታሊዝም ኒዎ-ሊበራል አሰራርና ፖሊሲ ሳይሆን እንዲያውም በተቃራኒው ባለው የሶሻሊዝም መልካም እሴት በሆነው ያጋራ ህልውናንና ደህንነትን ለማስጠበቅ በሚችለው የWelfare-State አሰራር ለመቀጠል ሲችሉ ብቻ ነው፡፡እነ አላሙዲን እንዳሉት የግሎባል ካፒታሊዝም ቅጥረኛ መንግስታት የሆኑት እንደ ወያኔ አይነቶች ወይንም ሌሎች በተቃዋሚው ሽፋን ወደፊት የሚመጡት የምርጫ ዲሞክራሲን ብቻ እያቀነቀኑ በዚህ ተጠምደው ይህንን የኢኮኖሚውን ጉዳይ ችላ ብለውት አይናቸውን ሊጨፍኑ ይችሉና ይፈልጉ ይሆናል፡፡ነገር ግን ህዝብ ካለፈው ትምህርት ወስዶ አይኑን ሊጨፍን አይገባም፡፡

    እኔ እንደተረዳሁት ከሆነ ከላይ ያሉትን 5 መሰረታዊ ወሳኝ ነገሮች በተወሰነ ደረጃ እንኳን አንድ ላይ አስተባብሮ የያዘና የተመለከተ የተቃዋሚ ሃይል አስካሁን አላየሁም አልሰማሁም፡፡እንደኔ እምነት መድርክም ይህንን ለማድረግ ያን ያህል የተዘጋጀ አይመስለኝም፡፡ስለዚህም ተስፋ ሰጪ ነገሮች በመለስ ሞት ብቻ ሳይሆን እንዲያውም ከዚህ በጠነከረ እራሱ የተቃዋሚው ጎራ በራሱ ከውስጥ በሚገነባው ጥንካሬ ጭምር የሚወሰን ነው፡፡ሌላው የኢትዮጵያ የባህር በር ጉዳይ የህልውና ጉዳይ በመሆኑ ላፍታም ቢሆን መዘንጋት የለበትም፡፡

  8. Deriba Guru
    | #8

    Now we are talking Nuts and Bolts.
    I think this commentary is useful on two basic grounds
    1) It is talking about Nuts & Bolts, i.e., applied Social Science instead of the usual endless lines of descriptive semantics. It is putting out the steps to take to advance solid unity and ‘democratic’ practice intra and inter organisational set ups. It is outlining what and how to achieve the goal. Of particular mention is the need to do away with that feeling to dominate because of sheer size of Geography or population and replace it with a fair representation for all. A case in point in the commentary is “The breakup of Oromia and Amhara region into smaller units”. It is an excellent well thought through proposition in the interest fair representation. It needs to be taken seriously and shouldn’t be one for read and forget. Democracy is about fair representation and participation in a decision making process. Not only everyone one be given the opportunity to feel that but rather be seen practicing it.
    2) It should also be appreciated for pointing out how higher ideals of organizations have been dominated and hijacked by fringe groups (secessionists, extreme left or right leaning junkies, ethnocentric [as some like to call them]). They set the agenda almost crippling the performance of the organisations they belong to and beyond. They are not team players in higher roles and bigger pictures of organizations and they are hindrance to achieving a democratic common platform. Remember always population follows the bell shaped Normal Curve i.e., for those of you familiar with Statistics. Fringe groups always crowd the tail ends of Normal Curve. This is a universal law applicable to social and natural sciences. This brings us to the importance of Leadership or lack of it. Real Leaders in any group or organization show and demonstrate determination to rise above the fray. They set the agenda for the whole and are not dictated by few who are happy simply to make loud noises and saw hatred between people. Real leaders on the other hand, seize the moment by not pandering to extremist views but rather politicking in the middle of the Normal Curve. This covers at least about 66% of a population. That is why in countries with solid democratic institutions, political programs are directed at the middle ground and not at fringe groups which only constitute about 10% of the view. Otherwise you won’t have a winning program but simply wasting time. Clearly this is a simple guide to those who want to engage in politicking and want to play a Leadership role. Aim at the middle-there is where real dividend lie for Real leadership based on honesty and integrity. Be bold to fight against extremist tendencies. In a democracy there is a role for extremist ideologues but certainly not in Leadership. Real leaders represent first and foremost middle and center (moderates) public interests.
    It is important to invite discussions on fair representations in public administration from those who are better equipped to do so. It is about focusing on NUTS and BOLTS of it. There are various models; the mostly European parliamentary models of fair representation opinions such as Proportional, MMP, STP or FPP (FIRST PAST the POST), etc. Important to invite views on these models and how we can suit it to work for us. Remember, Democracy is about fair representation and participation.
    Proportional representation, Leadership, Normal Curve, NUTS and Bolts.
    Good NUTS and BOLTS article. It is for everyone to pay attention to.

  9. ጉረኞች
    | #9

    Some associate ethnic equality to having shared power in government structure. This misunderstanding created a lot of confusion in Ethiopia. Some members of Medrek may feel the same old way of sharing power through ethnic arrangement. It seems G7 when forging alliance with OLF’s Kemal Gelchu have the same line of thinking. That is a defunct concept and fundamental misunderstanding which is dragging us into conflict and disunity among oppositions. Ethnic equality should be perceived as a sacred value that could only be respected when individual freedom/values are respected. Without individual freedom there is no ethnic equality or freedom. There is no homogeneity in any of ethnic groups, there are several small different subgroups within any ethnic group. We can only respect the right of subgroups within larger group when we only respect and give value to individual right. That is what we have to strive for not for instant gratification like that of poor Eritreans.

  10. Dawi
    | #10

    Aha! said:
    [[…. TPLF/eprdf and/or its mirror image called Medrek/fdre….]]

    I have read on ER recently that EPRDF United/single party is in the forming. If that is the case and Medrek is the “mirror image” of TPLF/EPRDF of today, as Aha! pointed out, doesn’t it make a lot of sense for Prof. Messay to try AGAIN and again to deal, offer new proposals to the devil itself than its mirror image?

    I will say, as the strong man Meles is gone, “Messay’s Manifesto”, a reconciliation Prof. Messay advanced in the past should be revisited.

    Prof. Messay said:
    [[..In the case that the EPRDF explodes, the unification is all the more necessary to stand up to the disintegration forces that the implosion would certainly unleash..]]

    Tha chance of EPRDF exploding is as good as MEDREK solving all its the contentious points which is unlikely.

    EPRDF has promised to follow Meles’s legacy. As Alamoudi said, Meles has cleared the road for development, all he and other capitalists need to do is drive through it. Meles’s Economic Development plan for Africa is second to none. What are remaining contentions are “political freedoms” questions; As Meles believed that “democracy” is not part of the concept of development but is good on its own merit, we have more in common than differences.

  11. Gudetta
    | #11

    @aha! The constitution of 1994 is the last chance to see ethiopia united.
    It will be very difficult to divide Oromia or any other kilil without the will of the indigens.Each ethnic group wants to live and govern its own land or kilil.The choice is between Ethnic federalism and no ethiopia.
    Aha no more province or awraja. OROMIA FOR OROMO?AFAR FOR AFAR ….this is the new ethiopia. MEDREK is totaly wrong.They belong to the past.
    God bless new Ethiopia

  12. aha!
    | #12

    The point that ጉረኖች is driving at and what I have been saying all along is the turning point for ethnic and secessionist politics and/or policies, that makes Ethiopia unique in the 21st century. The current regime known as TPLF/eprdf, where eprdf is in small letters serving as a cover for TPLF and supporting the constitution of ethnic federalism, secessionism and totaliarinism, party alignment along ethnic lines rather than national agenda and the lack of independence among the three branches of the govenmrnment to adjucate free and fair elections, conduct fair trials and clamping on press freedom, all reflecting to individual freedom, liberty and equality, which do not supercede ethnic and secessionist rights. Unless there is a consensusus among the Ethiopian elites in the Diaspora and at Home reach a consesus and struggle to put individual rights and freedom as the center piece of the new constitution, there will be no democratic rule, but ethnic rule and no democracy but ethnocracy, where ethnic federalism, secessionism and totaliarinism prevails and constitution becomes the center piece of contention that the TPLF Politbeurro contends as worth fighting for against those who challange it. The question to as is is Medrek/fdf/fdre or now OPDO/EFDF/fdre challanging it or going along with it with the only concerns of yekil mengistats ikulent mebit mekeber, having a political space and improving upon the existing EPRDF economic programs and human rights questions, the last of which is a common denominator to all factions.

    Since the creation of alliance not a merger with OLF (whatever the group may be) is a revival of AFD1 into AFD2, which witout a meger with the national agenda for unity, territorial integrity, sovereignity of Ethiopia and Ethiopians and the configuration of OPDF/EFDF/FDD/fdre comprising Tigrai-Harena, UDJP with subset of the national agenda for democracy, human rights and justice, along with the loyalist opposition parties with the objectives of respect for ethnic rights, human rights and democracy do not embrace the national agenda either.

    On the other side of this spectrum are those organizations, parties and factions in armed struggle which stand for unity, territorial integrity, sovereignity of Ethiopia and Ethiopians to establish a truley democratic govenrment of the people, by the people and for the people, where the ethnic groups, religious factions develop their language and cultures and live harmoniously together under a new constitution where the indivial freedom, liberty and equality plays a center piece of the constituition by resorting to original Provinces and Awrajas of the past as autonomous federated states of Ethiopia.

  13. ጉረኞች
    | #13

    Dawi said
    “Tha chance of EPRDF exploding is as good as MEDREK solving all its the contentious points which is unlikely.”
    This is no brainer, Dawi unless you do not want to accept reality. EPRDF will explode because the minority Tigres want to dominate the majority others. All indication showed that the majorities are resisting and the heyday of woyanes slowly but surely disappearing. Unlike your assertion, my assessment is… MEDREK is getting even closer to solve their differences as the differences are resolved through democratic process of negotiation. In contrast to EPRDF, Tigres are negotiating than attempting to impose their blind wish on others. The recent visit of the leadership of MEDREK to US has been a good teachable moment to the visitors. The resistance Diaspora showed to the lame argument of some of the leadership will help them to reassess their weakness and what Ethiopian want to see in opposition. I am more optimistic now than I was before that MEDREK will change from incoherent ethnic conglomeration and transform itself to a real credible party soon, where ethnicity have no role. The message has been transpired loud and clear.

  14. aha!
    | #14

    Like you I am contending Medrek/fdd/fdre and now OPDO/EFDF/fdre, as being mirror image of TPLF/eprdf as two political models with ethnic agenda, within which are conglomerate of parties of loyalist opposition (ethnic federalist) parties such as Tigrai-Harena, OPDO, etc) alonf with UDJP with the subset of the national agenada for unity, territorial integrity, sovereignity of Ethiopia and Ethiopians. You are condemning this party which is working in your favor in support of ethnic federalism, secessionism and totaliarinism, hindering free market capitalism and /or mixed economic model to the silent majority of Ethiopians, who do want want to live harmoniously together, while developing their language and cultures with individual freedom, liberty and equality, supeceding ethnic and secessionist rights, not to mention living under totalitarian and/or State Capitalism with no private ownership of land and shared ownership of Ethiopian land mass, which as you put it that: “Each ethnic group seven of nine and/or 80 ethnic group wants to live and govern its own land or killil” as indefensible argumentative position encapsulated in the constitution for bringing about unity, territorial integrity, sovereignity of Ethiopia and Ethiopians, unless one is in tandem with what Sibhat Nega contends that who ever challenges the constitutional order, which a frame work for “yetethiopiawinetachin milkit yehonewin yeandinetachin meseret yehonewing yemitsarer binor torinet ingetmwalen”, which in the past was charged as treasonous which sent opposition leaders to prison. For you to sound the same trumpet as Sibhat Nega does not take you anywhere, but serves only as prelude to secessionism and future boundry conflict. And the reason to resorting to the original provincial and Awraja for ethnic diversity in the each provinces and in the cosmopolitan Addis Abeba not to crate that division into ethnic enclaves and allow development of the country’s resources along ecological regions, such as the Rift valley proper, the cintral and Northern highlands, the South eastern Highlands, and the western and South westen tropial Savanah regions with high rainfall and for languages cultures and religions to develop freely in each of these ecologial regions of one country, one language and one flag and relilgion, where sovereignity of Ethiopia and Ethiopians takes center statge.

    I give the highest regard for coming with the counter argumentative position to that central issue, which even the author is digressing from.
    You may enjoy your fantci-land called Oromia, Afaria and Ogaden Somalia along the digruntled ethnic secesionist movement of OLF, etc. of the previous ex-liberation fronts spear headed by TPLF, are now engaged with the the TPLF/eprdf regime to fulfill their ambition to secede upto self determination with Oromia, nwely demarcated Killil as a prelude, not mention future boundry conflict over what called a new unitd Ethiopia.

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