Boycotting Ethiopian National Elections: Damn if You Do, Damn if You Don’t! Messay Kebede

January 30th, 2015 Print Print Email Email

I maintain that the upcoming elections will be a turning point for Ethiopia, not because they will result in a major change of policy subsequent to a renovation of the ruling elite but because the absence of change will compel opposition groups to reassess their strategies and the country as a whole will plunge further into the abyss of despair. While most reasonable people and opposition parties never contemplated the possibility of wining the elections and becoming the new ruling majority, nevertheless the expectation was—since the death of Meles Zenawi—for some opening, however narrow, to accommodate opposition groups. In light of the prevailing heightened repression and disqualification of some opposition parties from the competition by concocting bogus charges, the expectation proved utterly naïve. It is now patently clear that the EPRDF will use all available means to preserve the status quo indefinitely.

Opposition parties are already variously reacting to the perceived decision to exclude them once again. Some are making their participation conditional on the change of policy of the National Election Board toward a neutral stand guaranteeing a level of playing field. Others have decided to participate regardless of the prevailing conditions because they believe that nothing can be achieved by shunning the elections. Still others seem undecided or are waiting for the development of the situation before taking a definitive stance. This article analyzes the cons and pros of participating in the upcoming elections with the view of showing the realistic alternative that emerges from taking part in the elections or boycotting them.

Let us state plainly the emerging quandary. Admittedly, the goal of participation is not to win, not because the regime is popular and has the allegiance of the majority of voters, but because it will use threat, harassment, deceit, and even violence to retain its present position, which is that only one parliament member is representing the opposition. The opposition may even lose this one seat or add some more, but the retention of an overwhelming majority will be the inevitable outcome of the elections. If so, why then participate when there is no the slightest opportunity to perform better?

Expected Gains from Participation

Those who opt for participation argue that winning has many forms. Indeed, elections, even if they are unwinnable, provide a good opportunity to denounce the regime. They supply a convenient platform to openly expose the failures and injustice of the regime at a time when popular attention and expectations are activated by the government’s own propaganda and its desire for renewed legitimacy. Exposing the regime is a vital component of nonviolent opposition. It is inconsistent to stay away from elections because the regime in place does not allow a fair playing field even as the purpose of peaceful struggle is, precisely, to mobilize voters to protest against the unfair conditions of political competition. Only such protests can bring about change, not boycott.

Parties that participate in elections find a good opportunity to promote themselves and make their program known to the public. Not only does participation help the recruitment of new members, but it also engages the party in the typical task of organizing and mobilizing the people. A party that is absent from the battle field on the pretext that conditions are highly unfavorable does not deserve to be called an opposition party, all the more so as it came into existence primarily to fight for the democratic opening of the political system.

To encourage people to oppose the regime, it is imperative to show the availability of an alternative program. If people are not exposed to the ideas of a viable organization and alternative policy, their legitimate fear of the unknown, including the possibility of a chaos, will prevail over their frustrations and make them stick to the status quo. Nothing extends more the life of unpopular governments than the lack of an alternative: such governments will always claim that the opposition is fearful to participate because it is too weak or has no viable rival program. And nothing shortens more their existence than the presence of a party that continues to fight against all odds. So that, in willingly participating in elections that are decided in advance, the opposition party demonstrates its full commitment, thereby changing its alleged weakness into the strength of steadfastness.

There is no telling in advance whether participation does not result in the gain of some seats. However limited, seats in the parliament offer the opportunity of voicing opposition from within the system, not so much to change the ongoing policy as to give more credibility to the availability of an alternative path. Parliamentary representation officializes opposition in the eyes of the people as well as of the government, forcing the latter to respond to criticisms instead of simply dismissing them as the views of outcasts.

To sum up, participation in elections, even when they are completely unfair, is not devoid of appreciable gains. In addition to being consistent with the choice of nonviolent opposition, it provides a much needed forum for opposition parties to convey their messages, mobilize voters, and strengthen their standing. By contrast, the rejection of elections until acceptable conditions emerges is defeatist and inconsistent with peaceful opposition, not to mention that it obtains and change nothing.

Expected Gains from Non-Participation

Naturally, those who favor boycotting the elections are not without some expectations of gains as well. To the extent that their decision is a political one, it must contain the possibility of advancing their cause in some way. So what do they expect to achieve in shining the elections?

Their main argument is that non-participation of opposition parties deprives the government of the legitimacy that it seeks by organizing these elections. Participating without the chance of winning even one seat is nothing but a free gift to the government. In advertising the pitiful result of the opposition, the government will have the easy game of declaring a crushing victory and portraying the opposition as irrelevant, nonexistent.

To take part under the existing conditions is to encourage the government to continue the same electoral policy. The only leverage that opposition parties have is that the government wants popular legitimacy by all means so that it is suicidal to give it up for what is nothing but a staged show to fool the Ethiopian people as well as the international community. Since opposition parties cannot expect anything unless existing conditions change, the kind of pressure liable to yield some results is precisely to make their participations conditional on some concessions on the part of the government. For this pressure to succeed, there is one and only one condition: the boycott must be unanimous and firm.

Experience teaches us that taking part in the elections under existing conditions will not result in any gain of parliamentary seat. Recall what happened to the All Ethiopian Unity Party in the 2010 elections: it broke away from the rest of the opposition by agreeing to participate without any tangible reforms of the electoral process only to find out that it was unable to secure even one seat despite its undeniable popularity in the Amhara region. What is more, opposition parties that already had some seats were completely wiped out. Obviously, the refusal of the government to make changes in the electoral process is motivated by a deliberate policy of expulsion of the opposition, and not by the precaution of having a sizeable majority.

As to exposing the anti-democratic nature of the regime, what else is more resoundingly revealing it than the refusal to participate in fake elections? By openly stating that participation depends on the creation of a level playing field, opposition parties do their primary job, namely, the presentation of reasonable and expected demands that normally go along with the very idea of holding elections. If elections do not have a minimum of fairness, they cease to be elections and turn into an exercise of canonization. The least that opposition parties can do is to put an end to this quinquennial farce.

Critical Assessment

What is striking about the above position is the belief that the refusal to participate puts pressure on the government. It would have been so if the opposition were united and the boycott unanimous. But to expect unity and a unanimous position is to assume solved the very problem that keeps the TPLF in power. Those who speaks of pressure put the cart before the horse by forgetting that the persistence of the hegemony of the TPLF is due to the success of its divide-and-rule policy, essentially manifested by the ethnicization of Ethiopia. Moreover, I do not remember a case where this government changed its opinion because of popular protests, let alone because of complaints from opposition parties. In other words, as hard as it may seem to accept, opposition parties have no leverage on this government.

True, the government wants legitimacy, but it can obtain it in various ways. For instance, it can force people to vote in great number so as to compensate the lack of opposition parties with a massive popular endorsement. Dictatorial regimes have practiced and refined this method for quite some time. If at all costs the presence of an opposition is required, the government can create fake opposition parties or divide existing parties by means of threats and bribes. This should not come as a surprise since the government has already given us the taste of such methods, just as it is presently doing it by prohibiting two major opposition parties, namely, Unity for Democracy and Justice Party and All Ethiopian Unity Party.

Given these available recourses, we can say that the government wants legitimacy, but not to the point of making concessions to the opposition. All the more reason for saying so is that legitimacy is essentially sought to shore up its international reputation, especially in the eyes of donor countries. Unfortunately, we have seen time and again that foreign countries, including democratic countries, are more interested in doing business than in denouncing and punishing undemocratic regimes.

To demand repeatedly for something and repeatedly obtain nothing, to the extent that it reveals the absence of leverage on the government, is easily construed as a demonstration of insurmountable weakness and inability to emerge as an alternative. What else can the people conclude from this constant failure to put pressure on the government but the utter weakness and irrelevance of the opposition? Since the opposition cannot extract the slightest concession from the government, there is no reason for the people to side with the opposition and become the target of government retaliation. Voting for the government may not bring change but at least it protects against retaliation.

As a matter of fact, neither participation nor boycott adds anything to the goal of denunciation for the simple reason that the anti-democratic nature of the regime has long ceased to be a mystery to foreigners or natives. If we still find Ethiopians who are not aware of its real nature, such people are better left alone since they are either irremediably apolitical or indifferent to what is going around them.

What about mobilization and organization? Does participation, as claimed by those opposing boycott, serve to strengthen opposition parties? It would have been so if the government would allow freedom of expression and organization. Such disposition would mean that the government is ready to face opposition in a level playing ground. But the very dilemma over participation stems from the knowledge that the government will not allow a condition of fair competition, that it will paralyzed the opposition by restrictions, harassments, and imprisonments, not to mention the silencing of the free press. To expect the strengthening of the opposition as a result of participation is just a wishful thinking.

The likely outcome being that participation will not bring any result, it removes the grounds for complaint about the lack of democracy. Your participation was a defiance intent on showing that you can pierce the barrier of exclusion. Your failure to do so only exposes your weakness and irrelevance. The aim of the government is not to show its strength by winning elections; rather, it is to display overtly that it has no real rivals worthy of that name. It does not want to win majority votes; it wants to ridicule the opposition by a crushing victory, thereby showing that there is no alternative to its rule. The proper analogy expressing Ethiopian elections is two soccer teams competing with the players of one of the teams being blindfolded.

In fact, a clear pattern emerges from the manner the government deals with opposition parties. Plainly, the government steps up its repressive power when it confronts unitary parties, such as the Unity for Democracy and Justice Party and All Ethiopian Unity Party, while being more tolerant of opposition parties with an ethnic banner. In ruthlessly repressing unitary parties, the government wants to bring about their final demise. The relative tolerance of the government to ethnicized opposition parties is, for sure, due to the perception of some affinity with its own policy; more importantly, however, it originates from the conviction that ethnic parties, fragmented as they are, can never become a threat to the hegemony of the TPLF. Add to this that it is simply easy to create hostility between these parties and reduce them to the permanent status of a negligible opposition.

The real threat, if fair elections were held, comes from unitary parties, as demonstrated by the success of Kinijit in 2005. In the eyes of the TPLF, Ethiopian nationalist parties cannot be allowed to grow, for the real enemy to its hegemony–which rests on the efficient implementation of divide-and-rule policy–is none other than Ethiopian nationalism. It is amazing that more than 20 years of uninterrupted attack and stifling have not succeeding in weakening Ethiopian nationalism. It has become the forbidden fruit: the more you want to muffle it, the more people want it.

Who Wins?

What springs from all is clear enough: opposition parties, whether they participate or not, lose in that none of the projected goals ascribed to participation or boycott is achievable. Neither participation nor boycott affects the standing of the government or the state of opposition parties in any meaningful way. Does this mean that the government win?

One thing is sure: after the elections, the government will not be better off. Not only will it face the same problems, but also its intransigence and repressive policy will heighten popular frustration and instill the sense of a political deadlock in the county. In other words, there is no winner, but only a huge loser, namely, nonviolent, peaceful opposition. Seeing the complete ineffectiveness of participation or boycott, people, especially the young, are increasingly bound to question the wisdom of peaceful opposition. The more repression continues, the more the deadlock over the possibility of change thickens, and the higher becomes the disposition toward uprising as the only alternative left. This is the iron law of all social blockage: Ethiopia will not be an exception.

When uprising becomes the only way out, young activists go underground or join armed struggle. Exciting nonviolent parties, too, to the extent that they are serious about the struggle for change, will be compelled to have a hard look at their strategy. Even if they continue to operate in a legal manner, it is no longer to win seats in the parliament. Instead, they anticipate uprising and hope to take its leadership when it erupts. Without doubt, the present attitude of the TPLF gives Ethiopians no other choice than revolution with, alas, the unpredictable but certainly severe and uncontrollable consequences that confrontation or civil war will have in present-day Ethiopia. Ethiopians, gear up for the worst!

    | #1

    why do you participate in a sham election whose outcome you already know? Don’t you realise that many leaders of the political groups wishing to take part in that election are in prison? how can that election be fair?
    Should you pretend and go to election as if none of your own comrades and those truth loving journalists were incarcerated?
    How do you continue to get involved in this charade when you know it is this cruel and despotic regime that invites you to an election with one hand and carries on its repugnant torture of its opponents on the other?
    Why do you make it easy for it and collaborate with this ethnic minority regime to perpetuate its nefarious rule and allow it to mask its true nature with so called legal and democratic nelections?
    I know you have discounted strikes, sit ins, riots, sabotage or other illegal means of struggle! Hey! That is what the regime likes!
    The regime smiles at you as a loyal opposition forever relegated to a flabby opposition and one that should never come to power!
    This way,the regime considers itself clever and it takes you as stupid!
    That is your TPLF-made reality.
    What are you going to do about that? How do you wrestle with that reality?
    you got to say ENOUGH in some meaningful and strong way. change the rule of the game.

    Boycott, yes,Boycott the election and let that be your real protest!
    DO NOT COME BACK TO THE ELECTIONS AGAIN UNLESS ALL political prisoners are released without any conditions!
    In the face of these barrage of repression and the undermining actions of the police state,organise yourselves differently and GO CLANDESTINE. Organise better and gather strength.Bid your time!
    In the meantime, let the regime do its own solo!! It is fine.
    you have your time. You have your chance!!!

  2. Adem
    | #2

    As the professor has stressed both boycotting and participation in the TPLF staged elections will not bring about change.All the true opposition forces know that the elections are farce, organized to give the TPLF rule masks of legitimacy and for the consumption of donors. Participation in these fake elections and becoming companies in the periodical re-crowning ceremonies of the TPLF fascists and racists, can be viewed as cooperation and complicity. The TPLF has been committing atrocities and treason and its leaders will face justice for all these crimes. Hence, taking part in any of the political structures of the TPLF including its rubberstamp pariiament or being party to it are illegal and like committing offenses. Cooperation and complicity can have legal consequences and the participants can be accountable and charged with complicity when the people get rid of the ethnical fascist rule of the TPLF. On the other hand those opposition forces that boycot the TPLF fake elections will not be guilty of cooperation and complicity and face any possible charges.Therefore,boycotting and rejecting to be party to any criminal force like the TPLF, is the rational, tenable,right and best option for any true opposition with public political agenda.

  3. Anonymous
    | #3

    sound conclusion given the policy adamantly followed by eprdf towards vocal oppositions. on top that the deep fragmentation among the opposition and hatching of psuedo opposition echoing the incumbent likely paves the way to popular uprising

  4. Dawi
    | #4

    Prof. Messay said:

    [[.. is amazing that more than 20 years of uninterrupted attack and stifling have not succeeding in weakening Ethiopian nationalism. It has become the forbidden fruit: the more you want to muffle it, the more people want it...]]

    The above is in contradiction of what you acknowledged in one of your write up of Meles’s “realization” of Ethiopian greatness and renaissance in the past. The following quote from Meles’s millennium speech hopefuly reminds you of that; therefore, “uninterrupted attack” is an overstatement on your side.

    “It is with a sense of historical mission and total confidence in our capacity to overcome all challenges that I call upon you today on the eve of a new millennium to join hands to rebuild an Ethiopia that we all could be proud of,” Meles said adding that a thousand years from now, when Ethiopians gather to welcome the fourth millennium, they shall say that the eve of the third millennium was the beginning of the end of dark ages in Ethiopia.

    “They shall say that the eve of the third millennium was the beginning of Ethiopian renaissance,” he said.

    In light of Ethiopian renaissance parley, democratic activists joining the existing regime of EPRDF as former minister Ermias suggested shouldn’t be ruled out; such things had taken place prior to 1987 S. Korean peaceful transfer of political power.

    Similar to strong states like South Korea where profound social changes as a result of agricultural development, successful compressed (quick) industrialization helped bring about social changes of unitary type of movements that increased the genuine demand for democratization. The accumulation of such forces is what brought the 1987 S. Korea uprising and transition to Democracy.

    “Ethiopian renaissance” , GERD etc. that has started already is in line with such future trend.

  5. Getachew
    | #5


    This outdated propaganda style article exaggerated too much even the untrained common individual can detect and discredit it after reading the first few sentences.
    What is funny about this one sided bias article is that he even dare to tell the people no to exercise their democratic rights to vote and even further attempted misinform sway and dictate what direction to whom to vote. This is what happens when a sheep propagate to mislead the wolf.

  6. Sam
    | #6

    To not participate in the election to deprive legitimacy for the coming ruling party, which will be undoubtedly the current one, is an argument which has no basis. EPDRF does not care a bit about legitimacy. To EPDRF the legitimacy came when they overthrew the military from power. The legitimacy to rule, as the EPDRF politicians see it, happened to occur in 1991. No matter how many years has elapsed since then, they still believe they are the one who made the military go, and they are destined to rule Ethiopia thereafter. They cannot say it verbally; it sounds dictatorial. To say to the people who have this mindset, we are boycotting the election because the election process is unfair is to give them what they need. Opposition politicians should not give what the EPDRF politicians desperately need– to make Ethiopia as one party system like China. Let the opposition parties participate: The number of opposition parties members who make it to parliament tell how seriously Ethiopia is a police state. Out of 500 plus parliamentarians if one opposition party member makes it to parliament, it does not tell EPDRF is such a popular party. Indeed it is not. It tells how EPDRF is dictatorial. In a country where there are several religions, so many ethnicities, millions of destitute, hundreds and hundreds of young people who risk their lives to make a living in a foreign land, no party could get unanimous vote. Then it makes sense to participate. Participating tells more about EPDRF than not participating.

  7. ግሩም
    | #7

    ምርጫ ዲሞክራሲን እንደወረደ ከማቀንቀን በዘለለ ስለሀገርችንም ሆነ ስለ አጠቃላዩ ተቀረው አለም ወሳኝ መሰረታዊ ነጥቦችን ወይንም ጥያቄዎችን ማንሳትና ለእነዚህም ተገቢውን ውይይት አድርጎ ምላሽ ማፈላለግ ከገባንበት አዙሪት ለመውጣት የተወሰነ ይረዳል የሚል እምነት አለኝ፡፡

    1ኛ)ኢትዮጵያም ሆነች አፍሪካ ወይንም ታዳጊው አለም ወይንም መላው አለም በዲሞክራሲ መድሃኒት(እራሱ ሌላ ያልታወቀ በሽታ እየሆነ ነው) ብቻ ከተለከፈበት ዘርፈ ብዙ በሽታ ፈውስ ያገኛል የሚል የቅዠት አስተሳሰባችን እስከየት ድረስ ያዋጣናል?ቀዝቃዛው ጦርነት አብቅተቷል ዘመኑ አልጋ ባልጋ ነው ዘመኑ የዲሞክራሲ ነው ከተባለ በአሁኑ ወቅት አለም ከፍተኛ ውጥረት ውስጥ ገብታ ለምን በጦርነት እየታመሰች ትገኛለች?የቀድሞው ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር አቶ መለስ ለአንድ ጋዜጠኛ ምላሽ ሲሰጡ እንዳሉት አለም የምትመራው በዲሞክራሲና በህግ ብቻ ነው ብሎ የሚያስብ ካለ እሱ ሞኝ ነው ያሉት ትዝ ይለኛል፡፡በእርግጥ አለም እንደ ወያኔ ባለ የለየለት የህገ-አራዊት አገዛዝ ሲከፋም የራሱን ህዝብ እንደጠላትና አሸባሪ በሚያይ ሃይል እንደትመራም አንፈልግም፡፡

    2ኛ)ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ዲሞከራሲ የሚባለው ነገር ወይንም አጠቃላይ ፖለቲካው ኢኮኖሚው ህጉ ወዘተ የሚመራበት አዲስ የሰለጠነ የህይወትና የፖለቲካ ፍልስፍና ወይንም የጥንቱ ቆየው ሃይማኖታዊና ባህላዊ መሰረት ያለው እሴታችን(Intrinsic Virtues) በአሁኑ ዘመን አለንዎይ?ምንም መሰረት በሌለበት ሁኔታ ስለ ዲሞክራሲ ማውራት መሰረትና ግርግዳ በሌለው ቤት ላይ ከላይ ጣሪያ ለማስቀመጥ እንደመሞከር አይሆንሞይ?እኛ ኢትዮጵያውያን የንጉሱን ከስልጣን መውረድ ተከትሎ እንደ ሀገር እንደ ህዝብ እንደዜጋ ሃይማኖታዊና ባህላዊ እሴቶቻችንን ከፖለቲካውና ከአጠቃላዩ የህይወታችን ዘይቤ ቀስ በቀስ እንዲለያይ ነው የተደረገው፡፡ስልጣን ላይ ያለው አገዛዝ ሃይማኖትና ፖለቲካ አይገናኝም ሲለን ሰሙና ወርቁን ምን ያህል ለመለየትና ለመረዳት ችለናል?ታዲያ ፖለቲካው የሚመራበት የህይወትና የፖለቲካ ፍልስፍናው ወያኔ በዘመናችን በፈጠረልን አብዮታዊ ዲሞክራሲ በሚባል አዲስ ሃይማኖት ነው የሚመራው ማለት ነው?ባእዳን ሃይሎች በጠነሰሱብን የረቀቀና የተቀነባበረ ሴራ የተነሳ የቆየውን ኢትዮጵያዊ እሴቶቻችንን ሁሉ ቀስ በቀስ ወደ ጎን እየተውን ወይንም አጥፍተን አሁን እንድንነጋገር እየተደረገ ያለው ፈጽሞ ልንግባባት በማንችለው ዲሞክራሲ(አንዳንዴም ብሄር ብሄረሰብ) በሚባል ዘመነኛ ቋንቋ ነው፡፡ስልጣን ላይ አንዳለው አገዛዝ ዘረኛ የከፋፍለህ ግዛው መሰሪ ተግባር ቢሆን ኖሮ በአሁኑ ወቅት ኢትዮጵያ የምትባለው ሀገር እንደ ሀገር ባልነበረች፡፡እርስ በርስ ተባልተን በተጠፋፋን ነበር፡፡ወያኔ በባእዳን ሃይሎች የረቀቀና የተቀነባበረ እርዳታ እየተደገፈ ኢትዮጵያውያን እንደ ድር የሚያስተሳስሩንን ባህላዊ ታሪካዊ ሃይማኖታዊ እሴቶቻችንን በሂደት እየበጣጠሰው ነው፡፡ታዲያ በዚህ ሁሉ ፈተና ውስጥ ምን አስተሳስሮ ያዘን?የምእራቡ አለም ዲሞክራሲ?የወያኔ አዲስ መጥ ብሄር ብሄረሰብ ዘይቤ?ሃይማኖታችን ወይንስ ኢትዮጵያዊ ባህላችንና ታሪካችን?ዲሞክራሲ ዲሞክራሲ እያልን እንደበቀቀን ስናቀነቅን የቆጡን አወርድ ብላ የብብቷን ጣለች እንዳይሆን ይታሰብበት፡፡ንጉሱን የገለበጡት የዘመኑ ጥራዝ-ነጠቅ ፖለቲከኞችና ምሁራን አብዮት አብዮት እያሉ ሲዘምሩ አውቀውትም ይሁን ሳያውቁት የባእዳን ቅጥረኛ ከመሆን በዘለለ በተከታይ ለዚህች ሀገር እውን ዲሞክራሲን አመጡላት?ወይንስ ሉአላዊ የግዛት አንድነቷን እና ታሪካዊ ማንነቷን አስጠበቁላት?ሁሉም ዜሮ ዜሮ ብሎ የዘፈነው ዘፋኝ በአንድ በኩል ትክክል ነው ያስብላል፡፡ሁላችንም ዜሮ ሆነናል፡፡በዚሀች ታሪካዊ ወቅት እንደ ዜጋ እንደ ህዝብ እንደ ሀገር በጋራ የምንግባባበት እና አንድ ላይ የሚያስተሳስረን የጋራ ቋንቋና የጋራ እሴት አጥተናል፡፡ቋንቋቸው ተደበላልቆባቸው አንዱ ጡብ አቀብለኝ ሲል ሌላው መዶሻ እንደሚያቀብለው የጥንት የባቢሎን ግንበኞችን ሆነናል፡፡ለእኔ ዲሞክራሲ የሚባለው ነገር ይህንን አይነት እይታ ነው የሰጠኝ፡፡አለም አቀፍ ልሂቃኑም በእንደኛ አይነት ታዳጊ ሀገር ውስጥ አስቀድመው የነበሩ የጋራ እሴቶች ጠፍተው በምትኩ ዲሞክራሲ የሚባለው ነገር በቅጡ ሳይመረመር እንደወረደ ሲቀነቀን በማህበረሰቡ ውስጥ ምን አይነት አለመግባባት አለመረጋጋትና ምስቅልቅል እንደሚፈጠር አስቀድመው ጠንቅቀው ያውቃሉ፡፡በዚህ የተነሳ ዲሞክራሲ የሚባለው ነገር በራሱ ትልቅ የቤት ስራ ሆኖብናል፡፡ለእኔ ዲሞክራሲ በራሱ እንደ መጨረሻ ግብ ወይንም መሰረታዊ እሴት(Intrinsic Virtue) የሚታይ ሳይሆን የመሰረታዊ እሴቶች መገለጫ ወይንም የመሰረታዊ እሴቶች ተግባራዊ አፈፃፀም ስልት ነው፡፡ስለዚህም መሰረታዊ እሴቶች (Intrinsic Virtues) በሌሉበት ሁኔታ ስለ ዲሞክራሲ ማውራት ትርጉም የለሽ ነገር ነው፡፡For me a dictator endowed with Intrinsic virtues is by far better than a bogus democrat devoid of intrinsic virtues.በኢኮኖሚው መስክ ስንሄድም በቲዎሪ ደረጃ ነፃ-ገበያ እይተባለ የሚቀነቀነውም በፖለቲካው መስክ ዲሞክራሲ ከሚባለው ጋር ተመሳሳይ ግራ መጋባት እየፈጠረ ያለ ነገር ነው፡፡በቲዎሪ ደረጃ የሚወራው ነፃ-ገበያው በተግባር ሌላ ነው፡፡የኢኮኖሚ ነፃነት የሌለው ህዝብ እንዴት ብሎ ነው የፖለቲካ ነፃነት ሊኖረው የሚችለው?ወያኔ የምርጫ ካርድ ካልወሰዳችሁ ወይንም እኔን ካልመረጠችሁ ስኳር ዘይት ዱቄት አልሰጥም እያለ እኮ ነው፡፡የፖለቲካ ነፃነት እና የኢኮኖሚ ነፃነት የማይነጣጠሉ የአንድ ሳንቲም ሁለት ገፅታዎች ናቸው፡፡በወሬ ደረጃ ነፃ-ገበያ እየተባለ ቢለፈፍም በዘመነ ወያኔ ያለው የፖለቲካውም ብቻ ሳይሆን የኢኮኖሚውም አጠቃላይ መዋቅርና ስርዓት የውክልና ቅኝ-ግዛት አሰራርን መሰረት ያደረገ ነው፡፡በዘረኝነት ላይ የተመሰረተው ፖለቲካው በዘረኝነት ላይ የተመሰረተ ኢኮኖሚ ውጤት ነው የፈጠረው፡፡ሀብት በረቀቀና በተቀነባበረ መንገድ ከታች ወደ ላይ እየተመጠጠ በጥቂቶች እጅ እንዲከማች ነው የተደረገው፡፡እርዳታና ብድሩም ሆነ ይህንን መሰረት አድርጎ እየተሰራ ነው የሚባለው ልማት በዚህ ስሌት ላይ የተዋቀረ ነው፡፡ከዚህ በፊትም በተደጋጋሚ እንዳልኩት ወያኔ እያስፈፀመ ያለው የግሎባል ካፒታሊዝምን ኒዎ-ሊበራል ኒዎ-ኮሎኒያሊዝም ኢምፔሪያሊስታዊ ፕሮጀክት ነው፡፡የመንግስት የኢኮኖሚ ሴክተርና የግሉ የኢኮኖሚ ሴክተር ኢፈርት በሚባለው በዘረኝነት ላይ በተመሰረተ የንግድ ኢምፓየር ድልድይ አማካኝነት እጅና ጓንት ሆነው እየሰሩ ነው ያለው፡፡በብዙዎች አስተሳሰብ ኒዎ-ሊበራል ሲባል የግድ ከመንግስት ቁጥጥር ውጪ ሊበራል የሆነ ኢኮኖሚ ማለት ብቻ ሳይሆን እንደ ኢፈርት አይነት ባለ የንግድ ድርጅት አማካኝነት የሀገርና የህዝብ ሀብት በራሱ በመንግስት አማካኝነት በኢፈርት ድልይነት ወደ ጥቂቶች እጅ እንዲከማች ይደረጋል፡፡ኒዎ-ሊበራል ኢኮኖሚ ማለት በአጭሩ ጥቂቶች ፖለቲካውንም ኢኮኖሚውንም በቁጥጥራቸው ስር ሲያደርጉ ማለት ነው፡፡በኒዎ-ሊበራል አሰራር ጥቂቶች እራሱን መንግስትን በቀጥታም ሆነ በተዘዋዋሪ በመዳፋቸው ስር ለማስገባት ሲችሉ ኢኮኖሚውንም እንደዚሁ በመዳፋቸው ስር ያስገባሉ፡፡ወያኔ የመንግስት ቢሮክራሲውን ለራሱ በሚመቸው በራሱ ዘረኛ ቴክኖክራቲክ ቢሮክራሲ ያዋቀረው ለዚሁ እንዲመቸው በማሰብ ነው፡፡በዚህ የተነሳ ዋና ዋና የሚባሉት የሀገሪቱ የኢኮኖሚ ሴክተሮች እንደ ፋይናንስ አየር መንገድ ቴሌኮሙኒኬሽን መብራት ሃይል መከላከያን ጨምሮ በዚሁ ኢፈርት መር አካሄድ እንዲዋቀሩ የሚደረገው፡፡መከላከያ በራሱ ከኢፈርት ጋር እንዲተሳሰር እየተደረገ ነው፡፡ወያኔ የፖለቲካ መዋቅሩን በመቆጣጠር ሌሎችን የግል ባለሃብቶች ከውድድር ውጪ በማድረግ የግሉንም ሆነ የመንግስት ኢኮኖሚውን በሞኖፖል ለመቆጣጠር ችሏል፡፡በአጭሩ ኢትዮጵያን የግሉ ለማድረግ ችሏል፡፡በአጭሩ ኢትዮጵያውያንን የራሱ የኢኮኖሚ ዘመነኛ ጭሰኛ እያደረገ ነው፡፡ብዙሃኑን ድሃ ህዝብ መርዳት ቀርቶ ኢኮኖሚው ቢያንስ እንደሚወራው በነፃ-ገበያ ስርዓት ሊመራ ሲገባው ነገር ግን የሚመራው በማፍያ አይነት ስታይል ነው፡፡

    3ኛ)ብዙውን ጊዜ ትናንሽ እውነቶች ላይ የማተኮር አካሄድ እንጂ ትናንሽ እውነቶችን አንድ ላይ አገናኝተን ትላልቅ እውነቶችን የመረዳትና ከዚያም የተደበቀውን ትልቁን ምስል ለማየትና ለመረዳት የሚያስችል የአስተሳሰብ ስልት የለንም፡፡ይህም ብቻ አይደለም መንስኤ(Cause) እና ውጤት(Effect) የሚባሉትን መሰረታዊ የተፈጥሮ ህግጋት በቅጡ አልተረዳንም፡፡መንስኤ(Cause) የሆነውን ነገር ውጤት(Effect) አድርገን ማየት ውጤት(Effect) የሆነውን ነገር ድግሞ መንስኤ(Cause) አድርገን እያምታታን የማየት ችግር አለብን፡፡በዚህ የተነሳም ስለ ዘርፈ ብዙ ችግሮቻችን ዘወትር ስናወራ የበሽታውን ዋና መንስኤና የበሽታውን ምልክቶች ይምታታብናል፡፡በዚህ መከረኛ ምርጫ የሚሰማውም ጉድ ይህ አይነት ሁኔታ ነው፡፡ብዙ አይነት የበሽታውን ምልክቶች እንሰማለን፡፡ችግሩ የምርጫ ቦርድ ነው፡፡ችግሩ የትግሉ ስልት ነው፡፡ችግሩ ተቃዋሚው አንድ መሆን አለመቻሉ ነው፡፡ችግሩ ገዥው ፓርቲ የፖለቲካ ምህዳሩን ስላጠበበው ነው፡፡ችግሩ መንግስትና ገዥው ፓርቲ ስላልተለዩ ነው፡፡ችግሩ የብሄር ፖለቲካ ስለሆነ ነው፡፡ወዘተ ወዘተ ይባላል፡፡ይህ ሁሉ ግን የችግራችን በሽታ ምልክት እንጂ በራሱ የበሽታችን መንስኤው አይደለም፡፡እንደ እኔ አይታ የችግራችን አንዱ መንስኤ እንደ ዜጋ እንደ ህዝብ እንደ ሀገር በጋራ የሚየግባባን የጋራ ቋንቋ ወይንም የሚያስተሳስረን የጋራ መሰረታዊ እሴት በሂደት አጥተናል፡፡We are under agony of spiritual corruption and gradually dying a spiritual death. We have evolved to become mere zombies with corrupt souls. We are devoid of moral values and intrinsic virtues.ወያኔም እኛ ኢትዮጵያውያንን ከሙሉ ሰውነት ወደ ብሄር ብሄረሰብነት አውርዶናል፡፡ምክንያቱም ማንነታችንን የምንለየው በብሄር ብሄረሰብ መስፈርት ነው፡፡ወያኔ የመጠላለፍ የሸፍጥ ፖለቲካን እየተከተለ የተቃዋሚዎችን ገፅታ አበላሽቶ ተቃዋሚዎች ሀገር መምራት የማይቸሉ እንደዚህ አይነት ናቸው ስላስባለ የራሱን ገፅታ የገነባ ሊመስለው ይችላል፡፡ነገር ግን እራሱም ከታሪክ ተጠያቂነት ሊያመልጥ አይችልም፡፡TPLF is gradually dying a spiritual death because it is corrupt to the core of its soul due to its inherently dirty political maneuvers and dehumanizing criminal activities. And eventually it will evolve to become a self-defeating mere soul-less political zombie.እውን ቅንነት የጎደለው ህገ ወጥ ሰው ሰራሽ ችግር እየፈጠረን ዲሞክራሲ ሂደት ነው ፖለቲካ ቁማር ነው እያልን በመጠላለፍ ፖለቲካ ታውረን ህይወትን ሲኦል ማድረግ ምን የሚሉት የህይወት ዘይቤ ነው? ትልቁን የህይወት ስእል በምልአት ለማየት አቅቶን በፖለቲካ ቁማር እየተመራን ህይወትን የመጠላለፍ መድረክ ማድረግ እራስን በአዝጋሚ ሂደት ከማጥፋት አይተናነስም፡፡አግባብ ባልሆነ መንገድ ጤናማ ባልሆነ ውድድር የሚያሸንፈው አሸናፊም ለጊዜው አሸናፊ የሆነ ቢመስለውም ቅሉ ግን በስተመጨረሻ እራሱም ጭምር ተሸናፊ ነው፡፡መቼም የሰው ልጅ ክቡር ፍጡር ነው በመበላላት ወይንም በመጠፋፋት የሚያምን በህገ-አራዊት የሚመራ የበረሃ አውሬ አይደለም፡፡ወያኔ በዲሞክራሲ ስም ጭራሽ ወደዚህ አይነት ህገ-አራዊት የመበላላት ትእይንት ውስጥ ሊያወርደን የፈለገው፡፡የሰው ልጅ በህገ-ልቦና ወይንም በህሊና መመራቱ ቀርቶ በህገ-አራዊት መመራት ሲጀምር የሚፈጠረው ትእይንት አሁን በዘመነ ወያኔ የሚታየው አይነት ነው፡፡የወያኔ ህይወትና የፖለቲካ ፍልስፍናው በሌሎች በቃብር ላይ የራስን ቤተ-መንግስት መገንባት ነው፡፡የወያኔ ህይወትና የፖለቲካ ፍልስፍናው በመጠላለፍ በመበላላት በጥሎ ማለፍ ላይ የተመሰረተ ነው፡፡በአሁኑ ጊዜ የኢትዮጵያዊነት በሄራዊ ስሜት እየከሰመ የመጣውም ለዚህ ነው፡፡ሀገር የሚባለው ፅንሰ-ሃሳብ ቀስ በቀስ በሂደት እንዲጠፋ ነው የተደረገው፡፡በምትኩ እየተፈጠረ ያለው ብሄር ብሄረሰብ ነው፡፡የእኛስ የህይወትና የፖለቲካ ፍልስፍናችን ምንድን ነው ብለን መጠየቅና መመርመር መቻል አለብን፡፡እውን የምንመራው በዲሞክራሲ ቋንቋ ብቻ ነው ማለት ነው?ከንጉሱ ዘመን ቀጥሎ በዘመናችን የተፈጠሩት ኢትዮጵያውያን ምሁራን ፖለቲከኞቻችን መሪዎቻችን እግዚአብሄር የሚለውን ስም ቀስ በቀስ ከመዝገበ-ቃላታቸው እየሰረዙት ዲሞክራሲ በሚባለው የምእራቡ አለም ቋንቋ እየተተካ የመጣ ይመስላል፡፡ነገር ግን የቆጡን አወርድ ብላ የብብቷን ጣለች እንዲሉ አሁን በዘመነ ወያኔ በባለራእይ መሪዎቻችን የዲሞክራሲ አዋላጅነት የእኛ ዲሞክራሲ የተቀረውን አለም የሚያስንቅ እየሆነ እየመጣ ሆነ ማለት ነው?እውን በክርስትናም ሆነ በእስልምና ሃይማኖት አትዋሽ አታጭበርብር አትግደል የሚል ህግ የለም ማለት ነው?በራስህ ላይ እንዲሆን የማትፈልገውን በሌሎች ላይ አታድርግ አይልም? በቃ በዘመነ ወያኔ ሃይማኖትና ፖለቲካ አይገናኝም ብለን ስናበቃ ሃይማኖታችን እራሱ የወያኔ አብዮታዊ ዲሞክራሲ ሆነ ማለት ነው? የህይወትና የፖለቲካ ፍልስፍናችን መጠላለፍ ነው ማለት ነው?እውን የምርጫ ኮሮጆ ላለማጭበርበርና በሃቅ ለመስራት አታጭበርበር የሚለው ከአስርቱ ህግጋት እንዱ ህግ በቂ አልነበረም?ዲሞክራሲ ሂደት ነው የሚለው አባባል የምርጫ ኮሮጆ ከማጭበርበር ጋር ምን ያገናኘዋል?ነው ወይንስ ዲሞክራሲ ሂደት መሆኑን ለማሳየት የግድ የምርጫ ኮሮጆ ማጭበርበር አለብን ማለት ነው?ችግራችን የምርጫ ዲሞክራሲ አይደለም፡፡ችግራችን ከዚህ የከፋና የሰፋ ዘርፈ ብዙ ነው፡፡የኢትዮጵያ ችግር በምርጫ ዲሞክራሲ ብቻ አይፈታም የምንለውም ለዚህ ነው፡፡እንዲያው በቀላል አማርኛ በአንክሮ የማሰብ ችግር(lack of critical thinking) አለብን፡፡የቅንነት ችግር አለብን፡፡አጠቃላዩን ህይወትንም ሆነ እንደ ሰው እራሳችንን የምናይበት የእይታ ችግር አለብን፡፡

    4ኛ)አገዛዝ ወይንም (Governance) ምን ማለት ነው?What is the essence of Governance? Or what is the original source of the essence of Governance? What is our reference? Nature or God? Or both?ለምሳሌ አውሮፕላንን የፈጠሩ ሰዎች ዝም ብለው በራሳቸው ምናብ አይደለም አውሮፕላንን የፈጠሩት፡፡አውሮፕላንን ለመፍጠር አእዋፋት በሰማይ ሲበሩ ማየት ዋናው መነሻቸው እንደሆነ ነው የሚነገረው፡፡የእስልምናውን ባላውቅም በክርስትና ሃይማኖት መንግስትህ ትምጣ ሲባል ምን ማለት ነው?በሀገራችንም ሆነ በተቀረው አለም ሃይማኖትና መንግስት ታሪካዊ ትስስራቸው እነዴት ነበር?ትስስራቸው መቼ ተጀመረ መቼ እንዲቋረጥ ተደረገ?ለምን እንዲቋረጥስ ተደረገ?It has to be well understood that hierarchy, order and virtues are the most vital ingredients of governance. Then how do we reconcile democracy with such vital ingredients of governance? There is no such a thing as mere unlimited freedom and hence freedom itself as a virtue requires its own boundary of hierarchy and order. When I say hierarchy it can be based on division of labor and the status of individuals based on their knowledge, skill and role in the society. When I say order it is to mean certain binding social/natural laws or moral codes well known and acceptable by the majority in the society. Governance begins from the very self of the individual then to the family level and then local community level then ……until certain Nation-State and big empires. So governance by nature is some sort of hierarchically ordered big established system. In my view whenever we govern in a righteous, proper and legitimate manner we derive our guiding principles from the virtues of divine governance. That is why I raised the basic question above. What is the original source of the essence of Governance? God who created us has provided us free-will to the extent of having freedom of even not worshiping him but still free to live our life according to our own way of life. So it is no one else but only God who is the first democrat.ስለዚህም ስዩመ-እግዚአብሄር ብለው ስልጣን ላይ የወጡትን ፈሪሃ እግዚአብሄር ያረፈባቸውን ነገስታት ስዩመ-እግዚአብሄር ለምን ይላሉ ብለን የምናወግዛቸው ለምንድን ነው?የአለማዊ አገዛዝ ታሪካዊ አመጣጥና እራሱ አለማዊ አገዛዝ የሚመራበትና የሚገዛበት መለኮታዊ ምስጢር ገና በቅጡ አልገባንም ማለት ነው? አንድ አገዛዝ ስዩመ-እግዚአብሄር ነኝ ብሎ ስልጣን ላይ ሲወጣ ያ አገዛዝ ህዝብን በመልካም አስተዳደር የመግዛት የበለጠ ሃላፊነት እንዳለበት ማመኑን ያመላክታል፡፡ምክንያቱም እግዚአብሄር ዘር ሃይማኖት ፆታ እውቀት አይዲኦሎጂ ሀብት ወዘተ ሳይለይ ለሁሉም የሰው ልጆች ምድራዊ ፖለቲካዊና አኮኖሚያዊ ነፃነትን ከነፃ-ፍቃድ (Free-Will) ጋር አጎናፅፏል፡፡ስለዚህም አንድ መሪ ስልጣን ላይ ሲወጣ ዘር ፍሪሃ-እግዚአብሄር አድሮበት ሃይማኖት ፆታ እውቀት አይዲኦሎጂ ሀብት ሳይለይ ለሁሉም መለኮታዊ ግልባጭ ያለው ምድራዊ ፍትህ በአግባቡ መስጠት ይጠበቅበታል፡፡
    ከጥንት ጀምሮ ድብቅ አለም አቀፍ እኩያን ሃይሎች(shadow evil forces) ምድራዊ አገዛዝን ከመለኮታዊ አገዛዝ ማእቀፍ ነጥለው በምትኩ የራሳቸውን ሰይጣናዊ አገዛዝ በሰው ልጅ ላይ ለመጫን ለዘመናት ሲፍጨረጨሩ ኖረዋል፡፡ሃይማኖትና ምድራዊ አገዛዝ ቀስ በቀስ በረቀቀ መንገድ እንዲነጣጠሉ ተደርጎ በምትኩ በዲሞክራሲ ሽፋን(Illusion and fantasy of democracy) የሰው ልጅ በረቀቀና በተቀነባበረ መንገድ ከፈጣሪው ትእዛዝና መስመር እንዲወጣ እንዲለያይ እየተደረገ ነው፡፡ዲሞክራሲ ለእኛም ሆነ ለተቀረው አለም ስር የሰደደና የተስፋፋ መንፈሳዊ በሽታ ጭራሽ የባሰ በሽታ ከመሆን በዘለለ በራሱ ፈውስ ሊሆን ያልቻለው ለዚህ ነው፡፡በሀገራችን በዘመነ ወያኔም ለማህበረሰባችን ገንቢ ሳይሆን ትውልድ ገዳይ አጥፊ የሆነ ዲሞክራሲ ተፈቅዶልን ኢትዮጵያዊ ስነ-ምግባር እና የጋራ የሆኑ መልካም እሴቶቻችን ሁሉ ቀስ በቀስ በረቀቀና በተቀነባበረ መንገድ እንዲበረዙና እንዲጠፉ እየተደረገ ያለው፡፡በባእዳን ሃይሎች የሚደገፈው ወያኔ ሃይማኖትና ፖለቲካ አይገናኙም ሲል ቅኔው ሌላ ነው፡፡ይህ እይታ ከላይ ያስረዳሁትን የሰውን ልጅ ዘር ኃይማኖት ፆታ ወዘተ ሳይለዩ በእኩል አይን በማየት መለኮታዊ ግልባጭ የሆነ ምድራዊ ፍትህ ለማስፈን ታስቦ ሳይሆን እንደ ወያኔ አይነት አገገዛዞች ፈሪሃ እግዚአበሄርን አሽቀንጥረው ጥለው ህዝባቸውን እንደፈለጉ በህገ-አራዊት እየረገጡ ለመግዛት የይለፍ ፍቃድ እንዲሰጣቸው አስበው ነው፡፡እግዚአብሄር አትግደል ይላል ወያኔዎች በአረመኔነት ሰውን ይገድላሉ በቁሙ ጭምር፡፡እግዚአብሄር ባልንጀራህን እንደራስህ ውደድ ባንተ ላይ እንዲሆን የማትፈልገውን መጥፎ ነገር በሌሎች ላይ አታድርግ ይላል ወያኔዎች በተቃራኒው ጥላቻንና ዘረኝነትን አስፋፍተው ሰውን እርስ በርስ እያናከሱ ይገዛሉ፡፡እግዚአብሄር አትስረቅ ይላል እነሱ ብዙሃኑን ህዝብ ወደ ድህነት ማጥ እየገፈተሩ የሀገር ሃብት በአደባባይ ይዘርፋሉ፡፡ፖለቲካና ሃይማኖት አይገናኙም የሚባለው ቅኔው ይህ ነው፡፡እራስህን ከፈሪሃ እግዚአብሄር ታርቅና በራህ ህገ-መንግስት በሚመስል ህገ-አራዊት ለመመራት የይለፍ ፈቃድ ትሰጣለህ፡፡ታሪካዊት ኢትዮጵያና ህዝቦቿ አሁን ያሉበበት ሁኔታ ይህ ነው፡፡ጁሰፔ ማዚኒ የተባለው የእኩያን ሃይሎቹ አባል/ወኪል አንድ ወቅት እንዲህ ብሎ ነበር ይባላል፡፡ “We corrupt society in order to conquer and rule.”ወያኔም አሁን በዚህች ታሪካዊ ሀገር ላይ እየሰራ ያለው ይህንን ነው፡፡When the society you rule is in some sort of moral/spiritual paralysis or corruption then you have a free license to advance your corrupt governance without any obstacles. If everybody you rule is corrupt then no one has the audacity to condemn and resist your corrupt governance. That is why the shadow evil forces have always conspired to delete the essence of God and its divine virtues and commandments from our heart and replace it with other false gods and bogus concepts like democracy (actually the version of democracy in its mere illusion and fantasy alone).When I say false gods our materialistic world view that encourages unbridled consumerism in all its forms.
    በአጭሩ አለማዊ አገዛዝ መለኮታዊ አገዛዝን ግልባጭ ማድረግ አለበት፡፡

    5ኛ)ሌላው ስልጣን ላይ ያለውን አገዛዝ ታሪካዊ አመጣጡን እና ከጥንት ከጠዋቱ የተመሰረተበትን ድብቅ አላማ ገና በቅጡ መርምረን አልተረዳንም፡፡ንጉሱ በ1967 ከስልጣን ከመወገዳቸውና ደርግ ስልጣን ላይ ከመውጣቱ አስቀድመው የአሁኖቹ ወያኔዎች በ1965 ከዩኒቨርሰቲ ተጠራርተው ደደቢት በረሃ የገቡት እውን ደርግን ለመጣልና ዲሞክራሲንና ልማትን ለኢትዮጵያ ለማምጣት ነበርን?ተቃዋሚ የሚባለው ሃይል ወይንም የተቀረው የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ወያኔን ከሃያ ዓመታት በላይ ታግሶት እያለ እንዴት የአሁኖቹ ወያኔዎች ደርግ ስልጣን ላይ ገና ሳይወጣ ሁኔታውን አይተው ለትጥቅ ትግል አስቀድመው እንዴት በረሃ ሊገቡ ቻሉ፡፡ስለዚህም ለእኛ የሚወራልን የደርግን አምባገነንነት ለመታገል ከሚባለው ተረት-ተረት( official legend or narrative for public consumption ) በዘለለ የተደበቀውን እውነተኛ ነገር (Conspiracy) መረዳት አለብን፡፡ይህንን Conspiracy ባለመረዳታችን የተነሳ ከ20 ዓመታት በላይ ከወያኔ ዲሞክራሲን ስንጠበቅ ጭራሽ በምትኩ የጠበቀን በረቀቀና በተቀነባበረ መንገድ ፈፅሞ ያልጠበቅነው የለየለት ፀረ-ኢትዮጵያ ፀረ-ኢትዮጵያዊነት ፀረ-ኢትዮጵያውያን ተዘዋዋሪ የውክልና ቅኝ-ግዛት ነው፡፡ይህንን ትልቅ እውነት ወይንም ትልቅ ስእል ለማየት ባለመቻላችን ላለፉት 24 ዓመታት ምርጫ ቦርድ ገለልተኛ አይደለም ምርጫ ቦርድ እንዲህ አለ እንዲያ አለ የትግሉ ስልት ይህ ይሁን ያ ይሁን ፓርላማ ግቡ ፓርላማ አትግቡ በሚሉ ጥቃቅን እውነቶች ላይ ተጠምደን ኖርን፡፡የቀዝቃዛው ጦርነትንና እና የዘቅቃዛው ጦርነት ማክተምን ተከትሎ በአለም ላይ ያለው የሃይል አሰላለፍ እና አጠቃላይ የአለም ግሎባል ፓለቲካል ኢኮኖሚ ምንድን ነው?እውን ዘመኑ የዲሞክራሲ ነው?ኢትዮጵያ በዚህ አለም አቀፋዊ ዳይናሚዝም ውስጥ ያላት ቦታ ምንድን ነው ወዘተ የሚሉ ጥያቄዎችን አናነሳም፡፡ዲሞክራሲና የየሀገራት ሉአላዊነት ግሎባላይዜሽን እየተባለ ከሚጠራው ከዘመኑ የአለም ግሎባል ፓለቲካል ኢኮኖሚ ዳይናሚዝም ጋር እንዴት ይያያዛል?የሚቃረን ነው ወይንስ የሚስማማ?ይህ ሁሉ ሲታሰብ ዲሞክራሲ እያለ በጥራዝ ነጠቅ የሚያቀነቅነው የተቃዋሚው ጎራና ስልጣን ላይ ያለው አገዛዝ በሰውኛ እይታ ሲታይ የጎልያድና የዳዊት ያህል ነው ልዩነታቸው፡፡ወያኔ ከ40 ዓመታት በላይ በባእዳን ሃይሎች ጭምር እየተደገፈ በተንኮልና በመጠላለፍ ፖለቲካ የሸመገለ ስልጣን ላይ የወጣ ሃይል ነው፡፡በወጣቶች የሚመራው ሰማያዊ ፓርቲ ወይንም ሌላው ተቃዋሚ ለእኔ ይህንን ውስብስብ የዓለምንም ሆነ የሀገራችንን ታሪካዊና ተጨባጭ ሁኔታ በዲሞክራሲ ጠባብ መነፅር ብቻ የሚያይ ገና በቅጡ ያላደገና ያልተረዳ ህፃን ልጅ ነው፡፡

    5ኛ)የኢትዮጵያ እጣ ፈንታ የተንጠለጠለው ወይንም የተወሰነው ወይንም የሚወሰነው ግንቦት ላይ በሚደረገው የወያኔ የውሸት ምርጫ አይደለም፡፡ግንቦት ላይ የሚደረገው ምርጫ በአብዛኛው የሁኔታዎች መገለጫ ውጤት እንጂ በራሱ የነገሮች ዋና መንስኤ አይደለም፡፡ወይንም የኢትዮጵያ እጣ ፈንታ ግንቦት 1997 አይደለም የተወሰነው፡፡ለዚህም ነው መንስኤ(Cause) እና ውጤት(Effect) የሚባሉትን መሰረታዊ የተፈጥሮ ህግጋት በቅጡ አልተረዳንም፡፡መንስኤ(Cause) የሆነውን ነገር ውጤት(Effect) አድርገን ማየት ውጤት(Effect) የሆነውን ነገር ድግሞ መንስኤ(Cause) አድርገን እያምታታን የማየት ችግር አለብን፡፡We also have a problem to identify resilient tactical moves from steadfast strategic objectives. The covert strategic objectives of TPLF have never changed and have stayed the same but its overt tactical moves change resiliently depending on the existing conditions.ተቃዋሚዎችን ግማሽ መንገድ ሄደን እንቀበላቸዋለን ያሉት መለስ ከ1997 ምርጫ ወዲህ ግን ከምርጫው ትምህርት ወስደናል ብለው ነበር፡፡ከወሰዱት ትምህርት በመነሳት መውሰድ የሚገባቸውን እርምጃ በቀጣይ እየወሰዱ ቀጥለዋል፡፡የሚገርመው ግን ተቃዋሚው ጎራ በተቃራኒው ትምህርት ለመውሰድ አለመቻሉ ነው፡፡

    ስልጣን ላይ የወጣው አገዛዝ ከ40 ዓመታት በፊት በረሃ የገባው ለምን አለማ ነው የሚለውን መሰረታዊ ጥያቄ ማንሳት ተገቢ ነው፡፡ወያኔ ላለፉት 24 ዓመታት(ወይንም በአጠቃላይ ላለፉት 40 ዓመታት) ምርጫውን በሚመለከተም ሆነ በሌላ ጉዳይ አለማዬን ያሳካልኛል ብሎ ያሰበውን ማንኛውንም ነገር ሁሉ ያለይሉኝታ በቆራጥነትና በአረመኔነት እያከናወነ ነው፡፡እራሳቸው ወያኔዎች ስርአታችን በስብሷል እያሉ እያመኑ ነገር ግን ስልጣናቸውን ላለመልቀቅ ስልጣንን የሞት የሽረት ትግል ያደረጉት ለምንድን ነው?ሃገሪቱንና ህዝቦቿን ለምን የማይሆን ውጥረትና ምስቅልቅል ውስጥ ለመክተት ፈለጉ?በአንድ በኩል ትልቁን ስልጣን በምርጫ ዲሞክራሲ እንለቃለን እያሉ በሌላ በኩል ተቃዋሚ ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ እንኳን እንዳያደርግ ትንሹን ነገር እንዴት ይከለክላሉ?ይህንን የለየለት አይን ያወጣ ተቃርኖ እንዴት ነው የምናስታርቀው?ይህንን አይን ያወጣ ተቃርኖና የፖለቲካ ሸፍጥ እየፈፀሙ ይሉኝታ የማይሰማቸውስ ለምንድን ነው?I think that TPLFites believe that they have a noble cause more valuable than the rest of Ethiopians mere rhetoric about democracy or Ethiopiawinet. Professor Messay can we show them we have also our own noble cause? I think we have failed to show them our noble cause by fighting for it and defending for it. And I think that our noble cause is not as such that of democracy. Our noble cause has to be first our freedom as Ethiopians. Our noble cause has to be first our freedom, identity and integrity for Ethiopiawinet. If gangster raiders enter your home during the night to robe all what you have then how dare you say “oh please do not twist my hand or please do not slap me at my face.”? If you can defend you defend yourself by all means or either complaining about harassment is mere worthless complaint or response. For TPLF Ethiopia and Ethiopians are considered as a war trophy. And hence according to TPLF perception it has the right to do whatever it wants or it can be able to do. According to TPLF Ethiopa and Ethiopians are under the free-will and mercy of TPLF. አማራጭ የሌለው ምርጫ አማራጭ ያጣች ሀገር ያልኩትም ለዚህ ነው፡፡Professor Messay what you paraphrased as “Damn if you do Damn if you do not do” option provided by TPLF is very ironical in my view of interpretation. According to TPLF perception the fate of Ethiopia is under its grip. So According to TPLF perception: “if I am in power you have to be under my absolute totalitarian governance and I will weaken and kill Ethiopia and its peoples gently and gradually. Or if I am to leave power then I will create chaos and then render Ethiopia to destabilize and eventually disintegrate historical Ethiopia (እኔ ከሞትኩ ሰርዶ አይብቀል፡፡)”
    ትናንሽ እውነቶችን አንድ ላይ አያይዘን ከወያኔ ያለፉት 40 ዓመታት ተግባር መረዳት ያለብን ትልቅ ነገር (ትልቅ እውነት) የሚከተለውን ወሳኝ ጥያቄ በማንሳት ነው፡፡ማለትም ወያኔ ቀድሞውንም ደደቢት በረሃ ውስጥ የተፈጠረበትና ከዚያም 17 ዓመታትን ታግሎ ስልጣን ላይ የወጣው ከምን አላማ በመነጨ ነው?የተፈጠረበትንና ስልጣን ላይ የወጣበትን አላማስ ምን ያህል እያሳካ ነው?ይህንን ወሳኝ ጥያቄ መጠየቅና መመለስ በራሱ ለችግራችንም ሆነ ለትግሉ በራሱ አንድ መፍትሄ ነው ብዬ አምናለሁኝ፡፡

    እግዚአብሄር ኢትዮጵያን ይባርክ!!!

  8. Darewos
    | #8

    Now that the TPLF ethnical fascists and racists have ended their pretension by outlawing the UDJP and AEUP and forming their own fake duplicates of these parties, the whole discussion of boycotting or taking part has lost its relevance. The TPLF outlaws have outlawed the parties they have licensed to operate in the country and closed all the political space. By outlawing these parties,the TPLF is sending out the clear message that the bogus elections it is staging will be open only to its own and other candidates it picks from its duplicates/surrogates. This is obviously a slap in the face and even a blow to those who have been expecting some seats from the TPLF and been the front disciples of the peaceful struggle(ato Girma Moges and the likes). These politicians should by now realize that they have been trying to collect dungs from where there was not any cow as the Ethiopian adage says. It is now clear that the gate to the TPLF kangaroo parliament (herd of eating cadres) is closed. As ato Ermias Legesse has mentioned in his book, the TPLF sees the opposition personalities such as Drs. Merera and Beyene as sweetners or make up items.

    | #9

    በቃ በቃ አታልቅሱ፣ ሃዘንም ቁጭ አትበሉ!! እኔ የቁጭ ብሎ ሃዘንን 40 ቀናት ማሳለፍ፣ ወጣትዋ እህትዬ የተቀሰፈች ቀን ከ40 ዓመታት በፊት ነው የጨረስኩት:: በሂይወት እያለች ነበረኝ ሊባል የማይችል ፍቅር፣ ግን ሃኪም ቤት ከገባችበት ቀንና ከተቀሰፈችበት ዕለትም ጀምሮ ይሄው እየገነፈለብኝ፣ ለእርስዋ ያለኝ ፍቅር ገንፍሎ-ገንፍሎና ከአክሱም ሃውልትም በበለጠ ረዝሞ በመንፈሴ ለሰማይ እና ምድር እንደ ዓንደ-ምሶሶ ሆኖ ቆሞ አጋጥሞ በመደገፍ በጠቅላላ መንፈሴ ሁሉ ሌላኛውንም በመላነት ያስወድደኛል ያለው:: ከዚህም በመነሳት ነው፣ ራሴን ሳልረሳና ሌላኛውንም እያከበርኩኝ የቀረውን አጭሩን ህይወቴን ለመምራት ስለተነሳሁኝ፣ ነጋ-ጠባ unity in diversity የሚያሰኘኝ ያለው::

    እናንተ ግን፣ የለም በጥንቱ ባህላችን ብቻ ነው ዘላለማችንን የምንቀጥለው ባዮችና አንዴ የያዝነውን ነክሰን እንደያዝን እንቀራለን ባዮች ከሆናችሁ፣ ያው ይሁንላችሁ የጥንቱ; “የጥበብ መጀመርያ እግዝአብሄርን መፍራት ነው!” ብሎ በመዋሸት ጋሻ መሬትን ለማደለብ ምኞታችሁና የነገስታት ፍቅራችሁ አይለያችሁ::

    ግን በዚህ አቋማችሁ የማትወጡት አንድ ችግር አለባችሁ:: Your ጋሻ መሬት is gone! ይሄንን ጠባያችሁን ያጠናው የአስካርያን ልጅ ጭንጋፉ ለዚያ ለህንዱ ሸጦለት ሲያበቃ፣ የገዳርፍዋ ኩድሜ ደግሞ ከዚያ ሽያጭ የተገኘውንና እንዲሁም ጨማምራም ወደ ማለዝያ ወወዘተ በተለይም የኤዥያ (አስያ) ባንኮች ዘንዳ አድርሰዋለች!!!

    ኢትዮጵያን ለቆ ወጥቶ የተቀበረ ገንዘብ ደግሞ ምን ጊዜም እንደማይመለስ ከእኔ በበለጠ እናንተ ታውቁታላችሁ፣ አባቶቻችሁ (አያቶቻችሁ) ጀኔቫ ከቀበሩት ገንዘብ፣ አፍ ለማስያዣ ያህል ጥቂቱ ለናንተ ከተከፋፈለ በኋላ የቀረው ግን ቀልጦ እንደቀረ ከእኔ በበለጠ እናንተ ታውቁታላችሁ!!! ማለትም፣ will happen the same to that in ኤዥያ (አስያ)!! ውጤቱ ለናንተ ደግሞ፣ ወይ ጋሻ መሬት አልተመለሰ ወይ ደግሞ ከሌላኛው ወገን ጋራ የፍቅር ኑሮ አልመራችሁ ሊሆንባችሁ ነው!!

    ይሻለናል ካላችሁ እንግዲህ፣ ምከረው-ምከረው እምቢ ካለ መከራ ይምከረው እንዲሉት፣ ለሚቀጥለው የቁጭ ብሎ ሃዘንተኛ ዘመኖቻችሁ መንዛዛትን የማታውቀው ማሌሊት ትፋረዳችሁ!! ይሄ ሁሉ ከመካረሩ በፊት ግን ብታስቡበትሳ፣ ሌላኛውን ወገናችሁን እስከነ ሁለመንነቱ መልካም መልካም ጎኑ-ወገኑ ያስወድዳችሁ!!!

    ኢትዮጵያ ታበፅህ እደውሃ ሃበ ልጆችዋ!

  10. Dawi
    | #10

    ግሩም said:

    [[..Or if I am to leave power then I will create chaos and then render Ethiopia to destabilize and eventually disintegrate historical Ethiopia (እኔ ከሞትኩ ሰርዶ አይብቀል፡፡)”...]]

    This will only happen if disorganized opposition of the Syria & Libya likes take over the country.

    On the other hand, if the developmental state particularly the economic side is embraced by all to do its job, it will undermine its own social base, to be replaced by “a social democratic or liberal democratic coalition’.

    I don’t know by what measurement besides by those “religious wackos” who think the world is going to end soon are Gerum and Ancient (hates MLLT) look at MLLT/TPLF as “monsters” who desire the demise of Ethiopia? It just doesn’t make any sense to me.

    These are the same kids of Addis Abeba University of the 70s who were left leaning, who fought for change but, unlike many who disapeared/lost happen to survive the aftermath of HIM and Derg to come out on top. Correct?

    MLLT/TPLF practiced Marxism-Leninism not as a dogma but to analyze and develop methods in the realities of Ethiopia to defeat all their foes. Other than that they are the same Ethiopian left leaning students who just happen to succeed if you ask me.

    Why are you 2 trying to make them look as if they are some foreign monsters with completely different agenda?

    | #11

    ማሌሊታዊው AUFFORDERUNG:
    እኔ ያለሁበት አገር AUFFORDERUNG ይለዋል! ማለትም በእኛው ግእዝ, ጥሪ-ፃዊዒት, ማሳሰቢያ ወይንም ጠንከር ሲልም ትእዛዝ እንደ ማለት ሊሆን ይችላል::

    ይሄው መተተኛው ከዚህ ከፍ ብሎ የሰፈረው AUFFORDERUNG’ጉ እንደ ፈታነው እንዲህ ይላል: ማሌሊት እናትና ልጅን ብቻ ሳይሆን ወገኖችንም እርስ በራሳቸው ማናከስ ትችላለች:: ስለሆነም አቶ ግሩም ሆይ, መዝረፍ የሚለው ቃል ካልገባውና በተግባርም ማዋል ከማይችለው የጠፋው በጋችን “Ancient (hates MLLT)” ጋራ እንድትናከስ እናዝሃለን:: እርሱን ነክሰህ ከጣልከው, እኛን ጠቅላላችንን ከደደቢት እስከ አዲስ ያለነውን the MLLTቶችን እንደ ፈጀኽን አድርገህ ቁጠረውና, እንግዲህ የጠፋውን በጋችንን በለው! ለእኛም እንደ ባንድ ወንጭፍ ሁለት …… ይሆንልናልና:: ይከረባበት ዘንዳም ተስፋችን ከፍተኛ ነው:: እንግዲህ አደራህን እንዲከረባበት አድርገህ ጎስጠው!!

    ካልተከረባበተ ግን መልስም እንደማያጣልን እናውቀዋለን:: ብቻ አምስት-አምስት ልጆቻቸውን አበርክተውና አሰውተው ወደ ስልጣን ያደረሱዋቸውን እናቶችን, የልጆቻቸውን ሁናቴ በስነ ስርአቱ ስላላወቁ, የእኛስ ልጆች ይመጡ ይሆንን ብለው ድምፃቸው ስላሰሙ, “ኣይተፅምማና, ክሳብ ሎሚ ዘይመፀእኹን እንተድኣኾይኖም ኣብኡ ኸለኽን ብህይወት ከምዘየለዉ ፍለጥኦ!” ብለን የዘለፍናቸውን እናቶችን እያሰበ እስካሁንም እየጠላን እንዳለ በድጋሚ እንዳያመጣብን!!! ይሄ ጭንጋፋዊ ዘለፋችንን ወደኋላ መለስ ብለን ስናስበው ጭንቅላታችንን እየረበሸን ነውና ያለው!! በማስታወስም ሆነ በምርጫ መልኮች የተከሰቱና ሊከሰቱም የሚችሉን መረበሾችን ረስተን በዘረፋ developmental ዘርፎች ዘንዳ ብቻ ነው መዋፈር የምንሻው!!

    ቃላችን ትክክለኛ ለመሆኑ,ወደ ሲአይኤ ስንሸጋገር በከዳናቸው the ጭንቅላተ ኦሪታውያን አልባንያና ኦቻላ ስም እንምላለን! ስለ ማሌሊታችን ፊርማችን (ዳዊ aka Dawi)

  12. Dawi
    | #12

    Ancient – You’re reading too much into my writings here. My opinion is based on what is out for the public; nothing privy as you seem to insinuate sometimes however, I know MLLT weren’t a group of “angels”. Did they make mistakes? Off course but, so what?
    Be that as it may, did you hear the latest interview of the former CC of MLLT the “billionaire”, extraordinaire chair of Raya brewery General Tsadkan ? :) It is very revealing of what I was trying to tell you. As they say, it is always nice to hear it from “the horses mouth”!

    For me he is the epitome of MLLT, who used Marxism Leninism as the best methodology in the market to analyze the then predicament of our country but later changed or moved on to the theory of Developmental State as a vise to deal with the present “poverty” of the country.


    | #13


    One of the best African Generals and strategist of ናቅፋ-ሽረ-ደብረ ታቦር-ህንድ ውቅያኖስ ምረሻ, who was driven in to the ቢራ ፀሟቒነት by those ምስ ኦቻላ ሓዲረ ነይረ-እየ-ዎች!

    ሕራይ ኢሉ ክሳብ እንዳ ቢራ ኹሉ ከይተረፈ ንምውራድ ቅሩብ ኮይኑ ብምርኻቡ ጥራሕ ህይወቱ ከድሕን ኪኢሉ:: የለን ንህዝብና ኢልና እንዲና ግዲ ዝተጋደልና, ኢሎም ንህዝቦም ዝኣተዉዎ ቓል ኣብ ፍፃሜ ከብፅሑ ዝሓሰቡማ ብዕሱባት ተገይሩ ደሞም ደመ ኸልቢ ከምዝኸውን ኾይኑ!! ዝግብኦም ቦታታት ድማ በቶም ንመተሓድርቲ the መንፈሰ stone age ኦቻላታት ዘገልገሉ … ተታሒዙ ይርከብ ኣሎ!

  14. Dawi
    | #14

    For those who want are interested to hear:

    General Tsadkan on MLLT/TPLF, check the following

    | #15

    ይህ በ20ኛው ክፍለ ዘመን ከቬትናም ቀጥሎ ትእይንታዊ ወታደራዊ ሃይል በፖለቲካል SUBCULTURISM ሳይሆን በፖለቲካል Statesmen like ንጉሰ ፅዮን ዮሃንስ፣ Churchill ወይንም Bill Clinton አይነቶች value እና Principles አክባሪዎች ተመርቶ ቢሆን ኖሮ ኢትዮጵያ በአሁኑ ስዓታት ላይ የት በደረሰች ነበር!!!!

  16. Tecola W. Hagos
    | #16’s comments always are highly creative and self assured, qualities I like. At #15 he/she summed up a whole philosophical and political orientation in few words. I agree with his/her assessment. I wish I know the real person behind the false name he/she is using. I do not know whether to address a female or a male personality, at least for grammar accuracy.

    | #17

    ውድ ጀኔራል ፃድቃን ወልደተንሳይ፣

    ከትግል ጓዶችህና ወንድሞ-እህቶችህ ጋራ በመሆን የትግራይን ህዝብ በቅድመ ጦር፣ በዞን እና በመላ ህዝብነት መልኩ በማሰለፍ ለዋልከው የጀግንነት ተግባራት ከልብ ልትመሰገን ይገብሃል !Thank you! ሌሎች ነገሮች ግን እንደተሸፈኑ እየበሰሉ ይሰንብቱ!

    Tecola W. Hagos, is Mr. ዘረ-ያዕቖብ the ብሄረ AXUM ! በደጉ ልብህ ድምፅህን ስላሰማኽን ከፍተኛ ሰላምታ!

    | #18

    ውድ አቡጊዳዎች,

    እኛ ኢትዮጵያውያን በገዛ ራሳችን የእስልምና ሃይማኖት ተከታዮችን ሂይወት አድነን ስናበቃ, እነርሱ ግን በእኛ ርህራሄ የተረፈውን ህይወታቸውን ትንሽ ቆየት ብለው ካጠነከሩ በኋላ በእኛ ላይ ተነስተውብንና አስጨንቀውን ስያበቁና, እኛም ሂይወታችንን ለማዳን ስንል ወደ ኢትዮጵያ ተራራዎች ዘንዳ ተሸሽገን የህይወት ማዳን ግብግብ ተግባራት ላይ ከመሰማራታችን በፊት የጠቅላላው የሰለጠነው አለም አካል በመሆን ከታላላቅ የአለም ሃያላን ሃገራት ሁሉ አካል እንደነበርን ሁለት ጊዜ በጠላቶች የነደደው የአክሱሙ በወርቅ የተሰራው ቤተ ክርስትያናችን ዋንኛው ምልክታችን ነበር:: በእነዚህ ሂይወታቸውን ያዳናቸው የእስልምና ሃይማኖት ተከታዮች አጥቂነት, ኮሎኒያል ሃይሎች ያደረሱብን ወረራዎችና የእኛው የራሳችን የእርስ በርስ መቧጨቅ መጥፎ ልምዶች ተደጋግፈውብን ዛሬ ከአለም ውስጥ ድሃ እና ኮራፕት ሃገሮች ከሚባሉት አንዷ ለመሆን በቅተናል:: እንደገና ግን ለመነሳትና ከሰለጠነው አለም ጋራ በእኩል ደረጃ ለመቆም ቢያንስ የማንጥርበት ምክኒያት የለም:: ከዚህ እኔስ ምድሪቱንና አካባቤን የሰለጠነው አለም እንደሚያደርገውና ጥንትም ራሴው ወደ ነበረኝ Reflect የማድረግ ችሎታ ለመመለስ ብጥርስ ምን ያንሰኛል ከሚል ተመክሮ ብቻ ነበር አሁንም ከታች ዝቅ ብዬ የማሰፍረውን አባባል ከትላንትና ወዲያ እዚህ አርእስት ስርና እንዲሁም ከዚህም ከፍ ብሎ በሚገኘው ሌላኛው አርእስት ስር አስቀምጨላችሁ ሳበቃ, እናንተ ግን ትላንት ለህዝቡ እንደማሳየት ይልቅ መንጥሮ ለማጥፋት የቀደማችሁ!! አሁን መልካም መልካሙን እንደሚያሰኛችሁ ተስፋ ባላመቁረጥ እንሆ ዳግም ሙከራዬ!!

    ….”Was tun mit den beiden Bücher: „Diktators Insel und Ethiopiawi Debdabe“? Zwei Bände Belletristik. „Diktators Insel…“ auf Deutsch zeigte Eritreas-EPLF und Deutschlands-Grünen, deren Grenze und Weite in Sachen Mafia-Lobby, sonst nichts.Aber „Ethiopiawi Debdabe“, das auf Amharisch geschrieben ist, wurde von mir, der intellektuell so etwa wie ein naives Kind nach Deutschland gekommen war, und der seinen Verstand erst in Deutschland zum äthiopischen Sokrates schärfte und entwickelte, verfasst. Die Zeit wird kommen, in der keine Sabotage mehr gegen dieses Buch herrscht und ein richtiger Verlag sich mit ihm beschäftigen wird, und dann wird sich herausstellen, dass es inhaltlich mit solchen Büchern wie der Ilias von Homer und der Göttlichen Komödie von Dante zu vergleichen ist. Bis dahin bleibt es durch etliche Sabotage von irgendwo als Jahrzehnte lang andauernde Baustelle bestehen, so wie Gaudis Kirche zu Barcelona.”…. ገፅ 26 ጉዋንታናሞ

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