Menelik and Southern Ethiopia: Colonialization, Reunification, or Expansion? By Messay Kebede

April 15th, 2015 Print Print Email Email

To Donald Levine, who taught us to imagine Ethiopia

The 119th anniversary of the victory of Adwa has generated among some groups in the Ethiopian diaspora a renewed debate over the meaning of the southern expansion. Spearheaded by Menelik, the Ethiopian state accomplished the momentous achievement of doubling its size by expanding into what is now the southern part of Ethiopia. Basically, three opposing interpretations feed on the debate. Was the march into the southern part of Ethiopia a colonial conquest, an expansion, or a re-appropriation of lost territories? The purpose of this article is to examine the three positions with the view of showing their respective strengths and weaknesses. In many ways, this article is a summary of the first chapter of my book, Survival and Modernization, in which I conduct an exhaustive appraisal of the theorizations of the southern march.

Before critically examining the clash of the theses, it is important that we keep in mind the importance of the issue for today’s Ethiopia. Debating about Menelik’s southern march is not a simple curiosity about a past event with little relevance to current preoccupations. The issue pervades the present political situation of Ethiopia, just as it was one of the reasons that led to the revolution of 1974 and the subsequent overthrow of the imperial regime. The perceived injustice and unequal treatment over land ownership, as opposed to the northern gebbar system, epitomized in the slogan “land to the tiller,” has been the rallying cause that unified the opposition against the imperial rule. Since then the issue has been exacerbated by the failure to generate a modern and democratic state, which failure prepared the ground for the rise of ethnonationalist forces, notably of the TPLF’s policy to create ethnic zones. A process that could have been no less viable than the integration of Texas or California into the US now threatens the very existence of Ethiopia because its leaders were and still are unable to implement the most elementary steps of democratization. Let us begin with the most controversial thesis, namely, the alleged Ethiopian colonization of the southern peoples.

The Colonial Thesis

Mostly defended by ethnonationalist scholars of Eritrean and Oromo origins, the thesis simply maintains that the incorporation of Eritrea and the southern peoples into Ethiopia was no less colonial than the formation of British and French colonial empires. It used the same brutal methods and established a similar type of political, economic, and cultural hegemony for the benefit of one “non-native” ethnic group, namely, the Amhara. So stated, the thesis looks puzzling, to say the least, because of the obvious absence in Ethiopia of the main features defining European colonization. Being still a traditional society, Ethiopia did not have an expanding capitalist system in need of overseas satellite countries. Nor did the incorporation of Eritrean and southern peoples result in the establishment of a social barrier discriminating natives from “racially superior” expatriates.

These undeniable counter-facts could not but call for a specification intent on maintaining the thesis while adapting it to the Ethiopian context. Thus, because the European definition is not applicable to Amhara, who are neither racially “superior” nor historically and culturally alien to Eritreans, intellectuals of Eritrean origin based their main argument on the fact that an Eritrean autonomous state had existed after the decolonization from Italy. And since the internationally accepted principle is that colonial borders must not be contested, it is colonization to incorporate a country whose recognized status as an independent country results from decolonization.

As to Oromo ethnonationalist intellectuals, they added the specification that Ethiopian colonization was actually a dependent colonization. The lack of a capitalist system and the traditional nature of the Ethiopian society at the time of the expansion preclude any idea that Ethiopia, by itself, had the power and the economic needs to initiate and succeed the conquest of southern peoples. It had done so thanks to the military and diplomatic aids of Western countries so that it can be emphatically affirmed that Ethiopia colonized the southern peoples on behalf of colonial powers. In other words, Ethiopia was just a junior partner of colonial powers.

Be it noted that the thesis of dependent colonialism, unlike its Eritrean counterpart, maintains that Ethiopia fulfilled the racial criterion of European colonization. Both Amhara and Tigreans claim Semitic origins in addition to being Christian. They are thus racially and culturally different from the southern peoples, who are Cushitic and were non-Christian. Just like European colonization, the Amhara have imposed their language and culture; they have also appropriated southern lands and instituted a system different from the northern gabbar system, to wit, the southern system of tenancy.

Does the transfiguration of the colonial thesis into dependent colonization make it more convincing? It would have been so were not the transfiguration still based on flagrant distortions of facts. To consider Tigreans and Amhara as non-native to the region is, of course, an aberration. No less absurd is the suggestion that Ethiopia colonized southern peoples on behalf of European colonizers when it was itself the target of successive attempts at colonization by European powers. Whatever is the explanation, Ethiopia has frustrated these attempts, notably through the victory of Adwa that resulted in the international recognition of its state as independent and sovereign. Add to this that the Ethiopian context did not generate anything resembling the colonial distinction between metropolises and satellites. Even if the southern system was different from the northern one, it was not a satellization. On the contrary, in terms of economic advancement, the south benefited more while the north was almost marginalized.

The irony is that the defenders of dependent colonialism constantly underline that Ethiopians were not, in terms of civilization, more advanced than the Oromo. This is so true that the Oromo expanded at the expense of Ethiopia and even penetrated deep into Amhara and Tigre territories where they even acquired political supremacy, like in Wollo. Historians readily admit that the expansion of Oromo is the reason for the weakening of the Ethiopian state and the rise of what is known as the Era of the Princes. But then, Oromo and Amhara were contenders for the control of the region. Is not the reality of this contention dismissing the description of the Amara as alien to the region? What is more, how is the admission of rivalry for control compatible with the idea of colonization, that is, with the idea of an overseas conquest? The reality is that both were driven by expansion, the only difference being that, thanks to Menelik, the Amhara prevailed. The expansion and the resulting incorporation was, therefore, inspired and executed by indigenous forces. We have maybe a loser and a winner, but not a colonial subordination.

We know that the ultimate target of the thesis of the colonization of the Oromo and southern peoples is the dismantling of Ethiopia. Presented as a racially and culturally alien rule for the purpose of political domination and economic exploitation, Ethiopia should not have a fate different from the fate of British or French colonial empires. The only legitimate and feasible solution is decolonization and the acquisition of independence of the southern peoples.

Instead of directly contesting the colonial thesis, the TPLF came up with a convoluted alternative, which, short of independence, consists in recognizing southern peoples as full nations with the right to self-determination. The recognition of this right is accompanied by the offer to remain part of Ethiopia in a decentralized federal system in which the right of each nation to administer itself is fully recognized. Obviously, the TPLF did not propose this solution out of concern for the good of Ethiopia. It was meant to be a rallying proposal against the Amhara hegemony on the one hand and, on the other, a device to recruit ethnicized elites, the very ones that would develop shared interests with the TPLF. It also allows the implementation of a divided-and-rule policy that makes sure that these towed elites become unable to act in a concerted way. The upshot of all this is that the TPLF remains the sole arbitrator and decider, especially through the complete control of the repressive and armed forces of the state. In thus fragmenting the Ethiopian society while also claiming to be the sole holder of its unity, the TPLF does no more than play with fire: in baptizing ethnic groups nations, it has planted the seed of civil war and secession in the heart of the system in the vain hope of securing a perennial rule.

The Reunification Thesis

The specter of civil war and dismantlement has understandably re-injected life into an old thesis that had fallen into disgrace since the radicalization of Ethiopian educated elites. It is the idea that Menelik’s southern expansion was actually a reunification, that is, a recovery of territories that were once part of Ethiopia. Let alone colonization, the thesis does not even accept the characterization of the process as an expansion.

The thesis thus reverses the accusation: the invader or expansionist is not Ethiopia, but the Oromo. In other words, the southern components of Ethiopia, including all the expanses where the Oromo settled, were part of Ethiopia until Ahmed Gragn’s invasion of the country. The invasion weakened the Ethiopian state and allowed Oromo and Somali infiltrations and the subsequent conquest of Ethiopian territories. Oromo intellectuals themselves openly admit that their vast territory is the result of conquest, especially of expansion to the detriment of Ethiopia. They are also not timid in their glorification of the effectiveness of the Oromo assimilationist policy of local peoples.

The defenders of the thesis of reunification argue that, once the fact of Oromo invasion is admitted, Menelik’s southern expansion becomes a legitimate claim of territories belonging to Ethiopia. As a matter of fact, addressing the issue of the recovery of previous tributaries of the Ethiopian state that were cut off as a result of Oromo expansion, Menelik himself wrote the following to European powers: “While tracing today the actual boundaries of my empire, I shall endeavor, if God’s gives me the strength, to reestablish the ancient frontiers of Ethiopia up to Khartoum, and as far as Lake Nyamza with all the Gallas and the Arussi country up to the limits of the Somalis, including the Province of Ogaden.”

Many Ethiopian and Western scholars find such claims extravagant. Even if one admits the difficulty of firmly demarcating the exact borders of Ethiopia in the past, which probably used to shrink and expand depending on the vitality of kings, such intermittent allegiances of some southern localities to the Ethiopian state are still not enough to support the claim of recovery of lost territories. Moreover, because at one moment in time a territory was part of the empire does not entail that Ethiopia has the legitimate right to annex it. During the course of world history, borders have been drawn and redrawn constantly in all countries. With few exceptions, most countries have accepted their present borders even if they have lost territories that were part of them at one time or another. For instance, it is close to impossible that Mexico would one day claim Texas or California on the grounds that both states were included in the territory that it controlled in the past. Add to this that the claim seems indifferent to what the people now living in the said lost territories have to say about the alleged reunification. They alone decide whether or not they want to be part of Ethiopia. Nations are about people, not just territories.

The Expansion Thesis

The difficulties of the theses of reunification and colonization invite a third alternative view that speaks of expansion while decidedly countering the characterization of “colonial.” Developed in my book, the thesis argues that the expansion neither assumed a racist overtone, nor acquired the structural divide of “metropolis-satellite,” so characteristic of colonial empires. Rather, it harbored the goal of nation-building through the formation of multiethnic educated elites and a national culture based on the use of one language, allegiance to the imperial throne, and national symbols derived from history and modern institutions.

The point is to explain why the term expansion is more appropriate than colonization and reunification, not only in terms of historical accuracy, but also for the future survival of Ethiopia. First of all, contrary to the claims of restorationists, it is undeniable that peoples with different cultural and socioeconomic features from northern Ethiopia inhabited southern Ethiopia. This does not mean that frequent encounters and exchanges between the south and the north did not take place or that some of the southern regions were not at one time or another included in the territories controlled by Ethiopian monarchs. Even so, these historical incidents do not alter the fact that southern peoples have maintained cultures and social systems different from the north. So that, Menelik’s march into the south could not but assume the form of incursion into alien territories, that is, of expansion of the northern system into a different system.

Another evidence of expansion is that the march brought about wars, which expressed the resistance of many local peoples. I am not familiar with any recorded reports saying that native peoples welcomed with cheers and joy Menelik’ soldiers. Instead, what is recorded is the series of resistance, it is true of unequal vigor, of local peoples. Moreover, the defeat of local resistances was soon followed by the progressive appropriation of land by Menelik’s war chiefs and the subsequent establishment of tenancy. The normal development should have been the progressive evolution into a gebbar system, which would have changed expansion into full integration. Those who came after Menelik opposed the alteration. We know the dire consequences of their policy, which was inconsistent with the project of nation-building. Unless we deny that the southern march did not cause violent clashes resulting in the defeat of those who resisted, I do not see how we can avoid the term “expansion.”

As much as it counters the idea of reunification, the thesis of expansion, let me insist on this point, does not lend itself to a colonial interpretation. Can one conclude from the fact of socio-cultural differences that the expansion was colonial? Obviously not, for the simple reason that the differences were never viewed as a justification for the satellization of the south. On the contrary, the expansion quickly moved toward integration and nation-building, however inconsistent the method used may have been, and never showed any tendency to segregate, to establish a color bar separating natives from northerners, as is characteristic of colonial domination.

Let it be added that the expansion was not the exclusive work of the Amhara of Shoa: it included a significant Oromo participation. The objection according to which the Oromo participated as native colonial troops overlooks the fact that they were active initiators and consolidators of the expansion, as shown by the eminent role of Ras Gobena, who was more of an ally than a subordinate. Gobena was not only a full member of the Shoan aristocracy, but also led the greater part of the expeditions among Oromo people. The Oromo involvement suggests an internal inspiration aiming at uniting the Oromo under the authority of the Ethiopian state in light of their political fragmentation. Clearly, the Oromo participation both at the level of leadership and soldiery had nothing in common with the participation of Eritrean ascaris in the Italian attempts to colonize Ethiopia or Indian troops in the formation of the British Empire.

As to the establishment of tenancy, the rush to call it colonial simply forgets that it represents none other than the introduction of capitalism in a traditional society. Owing to the resistance that capitalist incursions encountered in the north, which was wholly attached to the gebbar system, the elementary requirement of capitalism, namely, the dispossession of the means of production, came to Ethiopia via the south. It is unfortunate that the feudal lords proved unable to fully utilize the opportunity to grow themselves into capitalist entrepreneurs. Still, the truth remains that tenancy was not a segregationist system, but the easiest way, compared to the north, to introduce a rudiment of capitalism.

True, Ethiopianization of native peoples took place, but it was inspired by the goal of wholesale assimilation. Though colonialism too imposed its language and economic interests on native peoples, it was less to assimilate them than to tow them to the needs of the metropolises. Cultural differences can be accommodated through syncretism or mutual tolerance, not so racial barriers. Because they are insurmountable, they freeze a ghettoized social relationship based on the assumed innate inferiority of natives. I do not see how it is possible to identify a process of integration, however slow it may have been, with the status of an overseas territory. One can rightly denounce the unequal treatment within the same social unit, but one cannot use concepts proper to colonialism to describe it, obvious as it is that the inequality had little to do with an annexation instituting racial exclusion.

In addition to remaining close to the facts as they have happened, one of the merits of the theory is to provide a legitimate justification of the expansion. I am referring to the undeniable fact that the expansion was essentially triggered by the Ethiopian instinct of survival before being nation-building, which instinct is evidenced by the amazing perseverance of the Ethiopian state. Menelik was alarmed by the colonial encirclement of Ethiopia: since the surrounding territories, including Eritrea, were all colonized, they could serve as a launching pad to invade Ethiopia. Hence the precipitation to integrate them before they fall under colonial rules. In Menelik’s words, “if Powers at a distance come forward to partition Africa between them, I do not intend to remain an indifferent spectator.”

Integration meant more means both in terms of human and material resources in the defense of Ethiopia. More importantly, it gave greater power to Menelik in his fight to prevail over his rivals in the north and unite the country. At least two conditions had to be met to give northern Ethiopia a chance to counter the Italian invasion: unity and the prevention of complete colonial encirclement within a narrow and closed space. The expansion was, therefore, a legitimate act of self-defense, which is an internationally acknowledged right. I find this defense more admissible both in terms of facts and rightness than the thesis of reunification.

The upside of this survival motive is that Menelik’s expansion actually saved southern peoples from colonial conquest and subordination. It is undeniable that their integration into Ethiopia foiled colonial designs. Notably, without Menelik’s conquest, what is now called Oromia would have been divided among Italian, French, and British colonizers, like the Somali and many other African countries. Many Oromo still cannot appreciate what they owe to Menelik: they can hate him but they cannot deny the fact that he shielded them from colonial domination and dispersion.

Some ethnonationalists may say that it would have been better for Oromo and other southern peoples to have been colonized by authentic rather than by fake or junior colonizers. I consider this objection to be nothing more than an expression of self-deprecation as well as an inability to understand the opportunities offered by history. Indeed, what else is implied in the objection but the view that the southern peoples would have been better off under superior white colonizers as if the present ills and failures of African countries were not caused, directly or indirectly, by Western colonization? The statement that an alleged black colonizer had done worse is just not in the range of possibility.

More importantly, the objection overlooks that the southern expansion represented a call to overcome our narrow identity and put ourselves at the service of a transcendent cause that we bring to life by our effort and choice. Nation-building is neither a characteristic of nature nor an invitation to ethnic parochialism, but the forging of a new identity that includes the other. In including the non-ethnic other, we rise to universality, to a non-ethnic citizenship, thereby transforming the natural belonging to a group into a moral commitment to a union of our own making.

  1. Yigermal
    | #1

    Dr. Messay,

    You concluded by saying: “Nation-building is neither a characteristic of nature nor an invitation to ethnic parochialism, but the forging of a new identity that includes the other. In including the non-ethnic other, we rise to universality, to a non-ethnic citizenship, thereby transforming the natural belonging to a group into a moral commitment to a union of our own making.”

    Thank you for writing eloquently what millions of Ethiopians say everyday to themselves. Ethnonationalism serves only the elites who claim to be leaders of this or that group and they use gullible individuals to promote their hidden agenda of grabbing political and economic power. What Ethiopia needs isn’t ethnic prisons, but a functioning democratic system where every citizen’s (regardless of their ethnic background) rights are respected.

    I am sure you are now going to get a salvo of comments from paid agents of ethononationalism for defending Ethiopian unity. Please don’t be discouraged by the insults from these morons and keep writing.

  2. Koya
    | #2

    Yigermal sai

    “What Ethiopia needs isn’t ethnic prisons, but a functioning democratic system where every citizen’s (regardless of their ethnic background) rights are respected.

    Included the right to have a neutral official language. Not imposed amharic language marginising southern population in the federal administration.

    | #3

    Menelik’s MOTTO was:
    “አውሮፓውያን አፍሪቃን ሲቀራመትዋት እኔ ዝም ብዬ የጎን ታዛቢ ልሆን አይደለም” ነበር:: ከዚያም አውሮፓውያን ሳይቀድምዋቸውና ከአውሮፓውያን በተገኘው ጠመንጃ, በብትር ወይንም በጦርና ጋሻ ብቻ የታጠቁትን ከኦጋዴን እስከ ሲዳሞ-ጋምቤላ ያለውን ህዝብ በሙሉ ከእንጦጦ-አንኮበር በመንደርደር በቁጥጥር ስር ማዋል:: ዋና ዋና ተዋናኞች, uncle Darge and the whole ደቂ ሓትኖታት and ደቂ ሓወቦታት of Menelik the hinterlistiger. Colonialization, Reunification, or Expansion ይሁን አይሁን መስፈርቱ ምንድነው? ውጤቱ ግን የህዝቡን ነፃነት ማስከበር ሳይሆን, መቶ አመታዊው ጭሰኝነት ሆነ!!

  4. USA Fears Blowback
    | #4

    Tribalism is the right term, why introduce the term “Ethno-nationalism” ?
    And tribalism is forbidden in Africa for many good reasons, above all because it serves or is a tool of western imperialists like USA, UK and EU.
    Those western countries use tribalism as a tool to keep Africa weak and poor, and divide and rule it. That is why these western countries support TPLF and desperately tried to spread tribalism in Africa using the African Union in Addis Abeba. But they failed, thanks God. Tribalism is not that much a problem caused by tribalist elites but a problem caused by western countries like USA, UK and EU and their spy agencies like CIA and MI6.
    Look, TPLF would not be ruling Ethiopia today and impose its tribalism if the USA and company had not brought it to power in 1991. All began with the imperialist ambitions of white supremacist USA that wants everyone on the planet to speak the white language english, write with the white alphabet Latin and be entertained by popular culture produced by white Hollywood. TPLF is just an agent that helps the white supremacist USA achieve its goal in Ethiopia.

  5. Tecola W. Hagos
    | #5

    Messay this is a good piece in line with our evolving mind. As the late Prof Zinn used to say about my book, that one should not allow history to put us all in a straightjacket. There is always room for innovation, recreation, resurrection, and/or improvisation. What is at stake now in Ethiopia is far more challenging than mere ethnic conflict and the dictate of pseudo intellectualization of ethnic-language based Federalism.

    Nevertheless, without diminishing the value of your essay, there is no way Oromos of historical Ethiopia could be considered more civilized than Ethiopia proper. The Oromo-Ethiopia situation was more akin to the relationship of the nomad Mongols invading the highly sophisticated and civilized Cathy, or Attila the Hun raiding the Roman Empire. Military success does not show in all instances high civilization. We defeated at Adowa a Twentieth Century industrialized Italy’s army with our primitive swords and spears supported by few cannons and a some guns purchased from the West.

    Consider the Chronicle of Emperor Sertse Dingel who fought to contain the marauder of four successive Lubas. Consider also the Chronicle of Emperor Susinyos, a friendly Monarch to the Tulema Oromos who used them to gain his Throne and as a reward settled them in Gojjam and other fertile Agew Meder. As you properly pointed out If it were not for the Amhara dominant position as the apex of the process of consolidation by Emperor Menilik II and his greatest General Gobena Dache, the history of Ethiopia and its territorial integrity might have been very different. Thank you Messay for this excellent piece where you are touching unchartered intellectual boundaries.

    Tecola W Hagos

  6. tibbeb
    | #6

    the concept of colonisation advanced by the so called ethnic ‘liberation’ fronts is a fabrication of lies and deceit designed to advance the agenda of these groups. Most of these ‘ethnic liberators’ are handled by arabs and and who have a long standing grudge against the Ethiopian state.
    The proud history of Ethiopia is an offense to them. The fact that Menelik and hos army routed the Italian invaders at Adwa, does not go well with the supermacists who see themselves as capable of conquering what ever land they want. The likes of Egypt want to continue to use the Nile waters without Ethiopia getting a fair share of the waters which emanate from its land. Thus egypt has been active in incubating and assisting ethnic liberation fronts, to destabilse Ethiopia and to keep Ethiopia at war with itself.
    to be ctd.

    | #7

    ተኮላን አስመልክቶ,

    “Vor 100 Jahren wurden bis zu 1,5 Millionen Armenier im Osmanischen Reich umgebracht. Die Bundesregierung will der Toten gedenken, aber das Wort Völkermord vermeiden – um Präsident Erdogan nicht zu verärgern.” ይላል የጀርመን ዜና!

    የማስሰረዙ ጉዳይ እኛም ላይ ደረሰ እንዴ! ግራኝ የኦቶማን ተላላኪ ሆኖ 15 አመታት ሙሉ መግቢያ መውጫ አሳጥቶን ሲያበቃ, እስልምናንም በምድረ ፅዮን አስፋፋ ብንልስ ዌብ ላይ እንዳይለጠፍ ልንከለከል ነው ማለት ነውን? የአርመኖቹን አርእስት አስመልክቶ ከአንድ ከአምስት አመታት በፊት ከአንድ ቱርካዊ ጋራ ያካሄድኩት ንትርክ ትዝ አለኝ! አይን አውጣ ኣሉፃዕዳዎች ናቸው!

  8. Yigermal
    | #8


    What would be the “neutral language” you are longing for? If you think Amharic is something imposed on you, why do you think that the foreign language that you want to use is any different? You see, language is a means of communication and speaking Amharic or Afan oromo in addition to one of the many languages spoken in Southern Ethiopia is always an advantage. Amharic is widely used in Ethiopia for historic reasons and it is foolish to look for another language only because some people like you feel that way. Ethiopians from all backgrounds have contributed over the years to the development of the Amharic language (Do you know who Tsegaye G/Medhin is?) and it belongs to all of us regardless of where we are from. Why do you want to deny your children ability to communicate with their brethern from other parts of the country when they go to college or join the work force?

    Don’t get me wrong, people have to be encouraged to learn as many languages as they can, but this anti-amharic speaking thing is not healthy and it has to stop.

  9. USA Fears Blowback
    | #9 is the typical B A N D A northerner and with inferiority complex towards Amharic or Ethiopic, unlike the hard to learn and tribal tigrigna, which is an Ethiopian language.
    The Banda, like in the times of fascist Italy, is there to serve his white masters. Any surprise that USA, UK and EU support Banda TPLF ?

  10. Alem
    | #10

    Center-periphery arguments are addictive and hard to beat.
    Most Ethiopian intellectuals are stuck in that world for several reasons.
    1/ their formative identities are bound up in those sentiments and questioning them amounted to questioning their sanity or showing disloyalty
    2/ most have made a livelihood out of it in academia and going back will deprive them of their credibility; in terms of power politics losing them
    3/ the big hurdle remains to be how to wade in a multi-polar world where empowerment could take different group formations and those formations subject to mobility and resiliency of objectives
    4/ that is why Tplf relapsed to “old ways” and continues to deny contemporary realities while appearing to advocate them
    5/ what Professor Messay does in this article is remove the addictive pot which could lead to a maddening denial or sobriety. Just superb.
    6/ let us never forget migration is the NORM in human history! In other words, nothing that has happened is unique to Ethiopia.

    Let me go over some DO’s DON”Ts:
    Don’t waste time discussing Eritrea [don't be taken in by "it is the leaders, the people are one" silliness; G7 [a department in the foreign ministry of Eritrea]; TPDM/OLF [organized by Eritrea]; Orthodox Church splinter groups [abroad and in the homeland] fanning old politics and ethnic war dressed in ecclesiastical garb; Muslim issues [a cause dear to Tplf in its handle on the West] and one that we as a nation will live to regret; breakaway Oromiya [will never happen; never forget Oromiya is a Tplf/Eritrea invention; just remember this: a toothless Leenco is the plaything of flies]; Moresh [19th century idea that is a pasttime for the very few and Tplf and Eritrea].

    Some DO’s: Professor Messay has charted a course that could be enriched by others participating in and eventually result in a plan of action; a course I believe that will help us recover our humanity and how we “imagine Ethiopia” and relate to each other [as fundamentally very similar].

    And for those who have access to information, continue to publish FACTUAL stories of Tplf economic racism [who won bids and if the bids were transparent, who is in key position and if the person has the requisite qualification, who is connected to the major mining deals/investment, etc]. This is NO racism but a fight for EQUALITY and JUSTICE! Be happy when Ethiopia succeeds in some endeavour! The hydro dam is good, etc.

    Again it is pr, pr, pr.
    Any committed individuals with a laptop, facts and proper delivery of those facts can sway the conversation. As things now stand Tplf is simply in control of the game. Opposition groups, on the other hand, spend time congratulating each other at somebody’s misery or in the case of Esat, doing the wrong thing [preaching Uncle Isaias's new found love for "his country"]. If Esat, Olf , G7, Moresh, Muslim/Orthodox groups folded this very day Tplf and Eritrea will carry on working under the same name!!

  11. qonqoila
    | #11

    Thank you all you the right minds. Our history has been commendable and still is the mirror of reality showing the world the facts that have been existing in all dimensions. However, our country has been attacked by propagandas that have been emanating from the wrong minds to distort the facts that have been exhibited through our centuries of existence. Alas, our fathers and mothers fought against colonizers and their hired ones and defeated them to their unending shame. We, the sons and daughters of Ethiopia will continue to fight against history distorters and until they shut their mouth like Fascist Italians hermetically shut their mouth and guns off.

  12. Ye Gonder Jegna
    | #12

    Why do these southern Amhara (Showa Amhara) elites always obsessed with the past and negative ?
    How come they do not have no new ideas about the present or the future, always think and talk backward about the past ?

  13. Getaw
    | #13

    No language other than Amharic will unite the country as it is spoken widely by many ethnic groups. No need of additional language to be official either as it puts undue burden of learning on the non-speakers of the language.

  14. Anonymous
    | #14

    ለምንድነው ስለኢትዮፒያ ታሪክ የዘመኑ የዘር ልሂቃን ባዮች ከሚሊሊክ የሚጀምሩት ኢትዮፒያን የምትባል አገር እኮ ሚሊሊክ አይደሉም ለመጀመሪያ ግዚ ያገኛት ኢትዮፒያ የምትባለው አገር በመጀመሪያ አክሱም ከዛ ላሊበላ ከዛ ሸዋ እየታወቀች የጥንት ታሪክ ያላት አገር ተብላም የአለም ታሪክ ተመራማሪዎች የሚመሰክሩላትም የተጻፈላትም ነች ከጥንት ታሪካም ለምሳሊ የጊታችን የተሰቀለበት መስቀል ወደ ኢትዮፒያ እንደገባ በሸዋው ንጉስ ዘመን ባለታሪኮች ያምናሉ ይህ መስቀል ሲገባ የኢትዮፒያ ህዝቦች ደቡቡም ምስራቁም ሰሚኑም መራቡም በልልታ እንደተቀበሉትና የኢትዮፒያ ብሂር ብሂሮች ይህንን በአል አጺ መስቀል እያሉ እንደሚያከብሩት ይታወቃል ዛሪም ድረስ የመስቀል በአል የኢትዮፒያ ብሂር ብሂረሰቦች በአራቱም አቅጣጫ ያከብሩታል ለምን ኢትዮፒያዊያኖች በሸዋው ንጉስ ስር እየገበሩ አንድ አገር ሆነው ይኖሩ ስለነበር ኢትዮፒያ እንዳገር የቆመች እና መንግስት ያላት አገር የነበረችው በተለይ 1270 እንደፈረጆቹ አቆጣትር በአንድ የንጉስ ክርስቲያን ስረአት መንግስት የነበራት አገር ሁና ኖራለች ኢትዮፕያን የእስላም አገር ለማድረግ ከሸዋ ንጉስ ጋር ጦርነት የገጠመው ግራኝ ማህመድ ክርስቲያኖችን ደቡብም ከምስራቅም ሸዋንም እስከ ተከዚ ድረስ ሲፈጅና የሸዋም ንጉስ እንዲፈርስና እንዲሰደድ በማድረጉ በዛን ዘመን የነበሩ ክርስቲያኖች አገራቸውን እየጣሉ ለስደት በቅተዋል አብያተ ቢተ ክርስቲያኖች ወድመዋል ግራኝ ኢትዮፒያዊ ሱማሊ እንደነበር ባለታርኮች ይገልጻሉ በዚህ በግራኝና በኢትዮፒያን የተደረገው ጦርነት በመጠቀም ጋሎች ክርስቲያኖችን እንደጨፈጨፉና አገራቸውን በመውረር በወለጋም በአርሲም በሸዋም በወሎም በጎጃም እስከ ተከዚ ያሉት ክርስቲያኖች አገራቸውን ለጋላ እያስረከቡ ተሰደዋል እንደውም ዘመኑን የጋላ ወረራ ይሉታል በዚህ ዘመን ታዲያ ጋሎች አማራው ላይ ሲዳማው ላይ አፋሩላይ እንደተነሱና በተለይ አማራውን ክርስቲያን ነው እየተባለ እንደሚያሳድዱት ታሪክ ይገልጻል ስለዚህ በዛን ዘመን ኦሮሞዎች ወደተለያዩ የኢትዮፒያ ማህበረሰቦች ውስጥ ገብተ ሲይዙ የተወሰኑት የራሳቸውን ባህል ይዘዋል ሊሎቹ የተለያዩ የኢትዮፒያን ማህበረሰብ ባህል እንደያዙና በተለይ ሸዋ የአማራውን ባህልና ቃንቃ እንዲሁም በሊላውም ማህበረሰብ አማሪኛን እና የኦርቶዶክስን ሃይማኖት ተቀበሉ ይላል በዚህ ሀመን ነበር ኢትዮፒያ የተከፋፈለችው ስለዚህ የተሰደዱ ኢትዮፒያኖችም ክርስቲያኖችም ለመጀመሪያ ግዚ ነፍጥ አንስተው ኢትዮፒያን ወደነበረችበት ለመመለስ ግራኝን ጦርነት ገጥመዋል የሸዋን ንጉሰ መንግስት ለማቆም እና አገራቸውን ህዝባቸውን ወደ ክርስትያንነቱ ለመመለስ ባደረጉት ጦርነት ግራኝን ድል አድርገው ግራኝ ያወደመውን አብያተ ክርስቲያን እያቆሙ ህዝቡም ወደ ክርስትያንነቱ እየተመለሰ መልሰው የሸዋን ንጉስ አቁመዋል በዚህ ሂደት ነበር በየ ባላባቶቹ የወደቀችውን ኢትዮፒያ መልሶ አንድ ለማድረግ ከግራኝ ጦርነት በሃላ የነበሩ ንጉሶች ያባቶቻችን አገር የክርስቲያን አገር በማለት የጀመሩትን ሲወርድ ሲዋረድ አጺ ቲዎድሮስ ለኢትዮፒያ አንድነት ያረጉትን አጺ ዮሃንስም ከዛም ሚሊሊክም በመቀጠል ሚሊሊክ የአባቶቻቸውን ታሪክ ኢትዮፒያን በአንድ እድ እንድትገዛ አድርገዋል እንደውም ባለታሪኮች ከግራኝ ጦርነት በሃላ የኢትዮፒያ ንጉሶች ተስፋ እየቆረጡ አንድ ለማድረግ ያቃታቸውን ሚሊሊክ አሳኩ እንጂ ኢትዮፒያ ያልነበረችውን አገር አይደለም ወረሩ የሚባል ታሪክ የለም ስለዚህ የኢትዮፒያን ታሪክ ሲጀመር ከሚሊሊክ ባንጀምር ዛሪ በሪ ወለደ እየተባለ ህዝቦችን ማሰቃያ ፖለቲካ ለመጠቀም የሚደረገው ፕሮፓ ጋንዳ መልስ ያገኛል ሚሊሊክም በደረሱበት ዘመን የኢትዮፒያ ህዝቦች በዘር ተከፋፍለውና ክልል ኖራቸው በየዘሮቻቸው የተገዙበት ታሪክን አልቀየሩም ከሚሊሊክ ጋራ ኦሮሞ ትግሪም ሊላውም አብሮ ሰርታል አሁን ወያኒ በክልል ብሎ ከፋፍላል ያን የሚቃወም ብዙ ኢትዮፒያዊያን አለ የኢትዮፒያን አንድነት ለመመለስ የሚታገል ህዝብ ዛሪም አለ በነሚሊሊክ ዘመን ደግሞ በዘር የተከፋፈለችውን ሳይሆን በየባላባቶች የወደቀችውን አገር አንድ አድርገዋል አማሪኛ ቃንቃና ኦርቶዶክስ ሃይማኖት የኢትዮፒያ ህዝቦች የተናገሩትም የተቀበሉትም በሚሊሊክ ተገደው ወይም ቅኝ ግዛት ተይዘው አይደለም ያ ቀደምት ታሪካቸው ነው ስለዚህ ኦሮሞ ሆኖ ትግሪ ሆኖ ሊላም ሆኖ አማሪኛ እያወራ ኢትዮፒያን ለማስተዳደር ሁሉም ተጠቅሞበታል አማራ ወረረው የሚባል ታሪክ የለም የእስልምና ሃይማኖትም በኢትዮፒያ ተስፋፍታል ሁሉም ማህበረሰብ ተቀብሎታል አማራም ሆነ ትግሪ ኦሮሞ ጉራጊ ወዘተ እራሱም የራሱ ታሪክ አለው በርግጥ ነው የኢትዮፒያ ህዝቦች ክርስቲያን እስላሙ አማሪኛን ቃንቃው አድርጎታል አረቢኛ የኢትዮፒያ ቃንቃ አይደለም ያም የራሱ ታሪክ የኢትዮፒያ ታሪክ ነው ስለዚህ በአሁኑ ዘመን ወያኒ ህውሃት የኢትዮፒያ ጠላቶች ህዝቡን ለመጠቀሚያ የዘር ፖለቲካ ብለው ስልጣኒ ነው ብለው ለማገዳደል እና አገር ለማፍረስ ክልል ያሉት ለራሳቸው ጥቅም እንዲመቻቸው እና ዚጎችን አንዱን ገለው አንዱን ሸንግለው ነጻ አውታሁህ ለማለት ሳይሆን ግዚአቸውን አራዝመው ኢትዮፒያን በመሸጥ ህልውናቸውን ለማቆየት የሚያደርጉት እሩጫ እንጂ የተበደለ ብሂር ነበር ብለው የኢትዮፒያን ህዝቦች መብት ለማስጠበቅም አይደለም ጫካ የወጡት

  15. ግሩም
    | #15

    ፕሮፌሰር መሳይ ያቀረበው ፅሁፍ ከሞላ ጎደል በምክንያታዊነት ላይ የተመሰረተ አቀራረብ ነው፡፡ወያኔ/ሻእብያ የግሎባል ካፒታሊዝምን ኒዎ-ሊበራል ኒዎ-ኮሎኒያሊዝም ኢምፔሪያሊስታዊ ፕሮጀክት የሚያስፈፅሙ ፀረ-ኢትዮጵያ ፀረ-ኢትዮጵያዊነትና ፀረ-ኢትዮጵያውያን ድብቅ አጀንዳ የሚያራምዱ ቅጥረኛ ዘረኛና ዘራፊ ሃይሎች ናቸው፡፡
    አፄ ምኒልክ እንደ ማንኛውም በወቅቱ ያሉ አገዛዞች በአገዛዝ ዘመናቸው የሰሩት ስህተት እንዳለ አይካድም፡፡ነገር ግን የትግሪኛ ተናጋሪው ልሂቃን እያጋነኑ በሚያራግቡት ጭፍን ጥላቻ ደረጃ ያለ ጥፋት ሰርተዋል ብሎ አፄ ምኒልክን ለማውገዝ ግን የሞራልም ሆነ የእውነት መሰረት የላቸውም፡፡አፄ ምኒልክና ከዚያም በመቀጠል ያሉት የአማራ የገዥ መደብ ልሂቃን ነፍጠኛ ናቸው እየተባለ ቢራገብም ቅሉ ግን የአሁኑ ወያኔዎች ከድሮ የአማራ ገዥ መደቦች በከፋ ሁኔታ በአሁኑ ዘመን የለየላቸው የዘመኑ ነፍጠኞች ናቸው፡፡የአማራ የገዥ መደብ ልሂቃን የዘመነ ፊውዳሊዝም ነፍጠኛ ናቸው ከተባለ የዘመኑ ወያኔዎች ደግሞ የዘመነ ግሎባል ካፒታሊዝም ኒዎ-ሊበራል ኒዎ-ኮሎኒያሊዝም ኢምፔሪያሊስታዊ ፕሮጀክት አስፈፃሚ ቅጥረኛ ነፍጠኞች ናቸው፡፡የምእራቡ አለም ምሁራን ኒዎ-ሊበራሊዝምን ሲገልፁት Neo-liberal global capitalism is similar to the previous old feudalism and hence it is modern day neo-feudalism. Economic wealth is systematically siphoned from the majority mass and then accumulated for the very secluded few based on pre-achieved status and power and not based on fair free-market economic competition. The irony behind misleading newspeak euphemisms like austerity-measure and bank bail-out is related to this neo-liberalism.የ500 ዓመታት ታሪክ ያለውን ግሎባል ካፒታሊዝም እና የጥንቱን ቅኝ-ግዛትም ሆነ የአሁኑን የውክልና የእጅ አዙር ቅኝ ግዛት ለያይቶ ማየት አይቻልም፡፡አሁን በሀገራችንም ሆነ በአፍሪካና በተቀረው ታዳጊው አለምና በሰለጠነውም አለም ያለው እያደር እያገረሸ የመጣው የዘረኝነትና የብሄር ጉዳይም ከዚህ የግሎባል ካፒታሊዝም ኒዎ-ሊበራል ኒዎ-ኮሎኒያሊዝም ኢምፔሪያሊስታዊ ፕሮጀክት ጋር በከፍተኛ ሁኔታ ተያያዥነት ያለው ጉዳይ ነው፡፡የብሄርና የዘረኝነት ጉዳይ በሀገራችን እተራገበ ያለበት አንዱ መክንያትም የግሎባል ካፒታሊዝምን ኒዎ-ሊበራል ኒዎ-ኮሎኒያሊዝም ኢምፔሪያሊስታዊ ፕሮጀክት ለማስፈፀም እንዲቻል የግድ ለዚህ ስርዓት የሚመች ethnically based class-structure and social-fabric መፍጠር ጠቃሚ ስለሆነ ነው፡፡This is the law of the pyramid.በብሄር ላይ የተመሰረተ ፖለቲካ በብሄር ላይ የተመሰረተ ኢኮኖሚን ያስከትላል፡፡ወያኔ የዘመናችን ነፍጠኛ የሆነውም ለዚህ ነው፡፡ወያኔ ኢኮኖሚውን እንደ ኢፈርት ባለ በብሄር ላይ የተመሰረተ የንግድ ኢምፓየር ከሞላ ጎደል ለመቆጣጠር ችሏል፡፡ምን ይህ ብቻ የመንግስት ዋና ተቋም የሆነው መከላከያ እራሱ ተራ የመርካቶ ነጋዴ ሆኖ ወደ ቢዝነሱ እጁን አስገብቷል፡፡የመንግስት ተቋማት ከሆኑት መከላከያ፣አየር መንገድ፣መብራት ሃይል፣ቴሌኮሙኒኬሽን፣ንግድ ባንክ፣ብሄራዊ ባንክ ወዘተ ጀርባ ኢፈርት አለ ከኢፈርት ጀርባ ደግሞ ወያኔዎችና ተከታዮቻቸው አሉ፡፡ሀብትን ከብዙሃኑ እየዘረፉ ወደ ጥቂቶች እጅ የማስገባት ሰንሰለቱ በዚህ መንገድ ነው፡፡ብዙዎች እንደሚያስቡት ኒዎ-ሊበራሊዝም ማለት ከመንግስት ነፃ-የሆነ ኢኮኖሚ ማለት ብቻ አይደለም፡፡Rather the irony about neo-liberalism is that privileged individuals abuse state power behind the curtain to accumulate undeserved wealth. There is a two way revolving door between the state and private corporations. The same is true for EFFORT and TPLF.
    So without the tacit support of the state individuals are not as such able to accumulate unimaginable wealth overnight by fair means alone. However it is the duty and responsibility of the state to give proper support and protection for those private sectors who honestly work and make business fairly and add value to the society and the nation in general.

    ከበሄር ፖለቲካ በተቃራኒው ህብረ-ብሄራዊ የሆነና እውነተኛ ዲሞክራሲና ነፃ-ገበያ የሰፈነበት ሉአላዊ ሀገር ለዚህ አይነት የግሎባል ካፒታሊዝም ኒዎ-ሊበራል ስርዓት አመቺ አይደለም፡፡ከአንድነት ሃይሎች ይልቅ ብሄር ተኮር የፖለቲካ ድርጅቶች በወያኔም ሆነ በውጪ ሃይሎች የሚበረታቱት ለዚህ ነው፡፡የሰብዓዊ መብት እረገጣውና በአሸባሪነትና በዲሞክራሲ ሽፋን በአለም ላይ ከእለት እለት እየተባባሰ የመጣው ውጥረት ፣አለመረጋጋት ፣የእርስ በርስ ግጭት፣ የመንግስት ግልበጣ፣ ጦርነት ወዘተ የግሎባል ካፒታሊዝም ውስጣዊ ቀውስ መገለጫ ምልክቶች ናቸው፡፡የሰብዓዊ መብት እረገጣን በሚመለከት ብዙዎቻችን ያልገባን ነገር አለ፡፡በዘመነ ግሎባል ካፒታሊዝም ኒዎ-ሊበራል ስርዓት ሀብት በጥቂቶች እጅ ሲገባና ብዙሃኑ ወደ ድህነት አረንቋ ሲገፈተር ኢኮኖሚያዊ ፣ማህበራዊ፣ባህላዊ፣ ስነ-ልቦናዊና፣ ፖለቲካዊ ቀውስ አይቀሬ ነው፡፡ይህ ደግሞ ህዝባዊ አለመረጋጋትንና ህዝባዊ አመፅን ያስከትላል፡፡ስለዚህም መንግስት የብዙሃኑን ህዝብ ጥቅም ህልውናና ፍላጎት ሳይሆን የሚያራምደው የጥቂቶቹን ሃብታም ልሂቃን ጥቅም ህልውናና ፍላጎት ነው፡፡በዚህ የተነሳም ብዙሃኑን የሚረግጥ የሚጨቁን Police-State ይፈጠራል፡፡ፖሊሱ፣ድህንነቱ፣ወታደሩ የብዙሃኑን ሰብዓዊ መብት የሚረግጥ በተቃራኒው ለጥቂቶች የቆመ ይሆናል ፡፡የሰብዓዊ መብት እረገጣው በዚህ የተነሳ ነው፡፡የሰብዓዊ መብት እረገጣው የኢኮኖሚ እረገጣው ውጤት ነው፡፡
    ወደ ነጥቡ ስንመጣ ወያኔዎች ምኒልክንና ተከታዮቻቸውን ነፍጠኛና ቅኝ-ገዥ እያሉ ይህን ያህል ለመውቀስ የሞራልም ሆነ የእውነት መሰረት የላቸውም፡፡ምኒልክ ደቡቡን ኦሮሞውን ጋምቤላውን ወዘተ ከመሬቱ አላፈናቀለም፡፡ምኒልክ የኢትዮጵያን ለም መሬት ለአረብ በርካሽ ዋጋ አልቸበቸበም፡፡ወያኔዎች ምኒልክ ከቅኝ-ገዥዎች ተከላክሎና ጠብቆ ያቆየውን መሬት ዛሬ ምን እያደረጉት ነው?ጋምቤላውን እያፈናቀሉ የጋምቤላን መሬት ዛሬ እየተቆጣጠረ ያለው ማነው?ከጎንደርና ከወሎ የዘር ማፅዳት እያደረገ የራሱን ዘር ያሰፈረውና ወደራሱ ክልል ያዞረው እረ ማነው?ወያኔዎች ዛሬ እውን ምን እያደረጉ ነው?ወያኔዎች መሬት የመንግስት ነው ቤት የግለሰቡ ነው እያሉ የኢትዮጵያን ህዝብ ዘመናዊ ጭሰኛ እያደረጉት አይደለም እንዴ?አዎ ዛሬ መሬት የመንግስት ነው፡፡ትክክል፡፡በህገ-አራዊት እያስተዳደረ ስልጣን በሞኖፖል የተቆጣጠረው መንግስት ደግሞ ወያኔ ነው፡፡ስለዚህም በተዘዋዋሪ መሬት የወያኔና የተከታዮቻቸው የግል ንብረት ነው፡፡ወያኔዎችና ሻእብያዎች ሚኒልክንና ተከታዮቻቸውን ታሪካዊ ጠላታችን እያሉ በጭፍን ጥላቻ እየተመሩ የሚያወግዙበት ዋናው ምክንያት እነሱ ዛሬ እያደረጉ ያሉትን የዘረኝነት የዘራፊነትና የቅጥረኝነት ፀረ-ኢትዮጵያ ፀረ-ኢትዮጵያዊነት እና ፀረ-ኢትዮጵያውያን ተልእኮ ለዘመናት ስለገታባቸው ብቻ ነው፡፡ዋናው ምክንያት ይህ ነው፡፡በእርግጥ የትግራይ ድሃ ገበሬ ለዘመናት የኖረበት መሬት ለምነቱን በሂደት እያጣ ህዝብም እየበዛ ሲመጣ በችግርና በርሃብ መሰቃየቱን ማመን አለብን፡፡እንደ ኢትዮጵያዊነቱ ሰው ያልሰፈረበት የተቀረው የኢትዮጵያ መሬት ሄዶ በሰፈራ መልክ ፍትሃዊ በሆነ መንገድ አርሶ ኑሮውን መመስረት የዜግነት መብቱ ነበር፡፡ይህንን ደግሞ ደርግ በቅጡ ሳያስብበትም ቢሆን ቅሉ ግን በተወሰነ በሰፈራ መልክ ሞክሮት ነበር፡፡እንደ ኢትዮጵያዊ የትግራይ ገበሬ ወገናችንን በዚህ መንገድ መርዳት እንጂ የእናንተ ሀገር ድንጋይ ነው ወዘተ እያሉ መዝለፍ ተገቢ አይደለም፡፡ሀገር ወዳድ ፍትሃዊ ስርዓትና መንግስት ካለ ሀገራችን ለሁላችንም በቂ ነበረች፡፡መለስ የሰራው ግን ምንድን ነበር?ከደቡብ ጉራ ፈርዳ ደን መንጣሪዎች ብሎ አይደለም እንዴ ከ20 ሺህ በላይ አፈር ገፊ ገበሬ አማራዎችን ያፈናቀለው፡፡በአጭሩ የትግራይ ለሂቃን የመቶ አመት ታሪክ ወደ ኋላ ወስደውን እንደዚህ አይነት የብሄር ፖለቲካ ውስጥ የከተቱን ዛሬ እራሳቸው የሚሰሩትን አስነዋሪ አይን ያወጣ ዘመናዊ ነፍጠኝነት እና ዘመናዊ ዘመነ-መሳፍንት ለማስፈፀም እና ለመከላከል እንደ Justification እንዲረዳቸው በማሰብ ነው፡፡አካሄዱ የፖለቲካ ሸጭጥ ነው፡፡ደርግ ፊውዳሊዝምን አጠፋ ማርክሲዝም ሌኒንዝም ብሎ ሶሻሊዝምን አወጀ፡፡ወያኔዎችም ፊውዳሊዝምን እንቃወማለን ሶሻሊዝምን እናራምዳለን ብለው ማሌሊትን መሰረቱ ነገር ግን በተቃራኒው ደግሞ እራሱን ደርግን እንዋጋለን ብለው በረሃ ገቡ፡፡ግራ የሚያጋባ ነገር ነው፡፡ከሁሉ የከፋው ደግሞ መቶ አመት የኋሊት ተጉዘው አፄ ምኒልክ ቅኝ ገዥና ተስፋፊ ነው ለትግራይ ህዝብ ድህነት ኋላቀርነት ተጠያቂ ነው አሉን፡፡ይህ ከሆነማ አፄ ዮሀንስም ለአማራው ህዝብ ድህነት ኋላቀርነት ተጠያቂ ናቸው ብሎ ማሰብ ይቻላል፡፡ወይንም አፄ ዮሀንስ ከደርቡሾች ጋር ሲዋጉ መተማ የሞቱት የእንግሊዞችን የውክልና ጦርነት ለመዋጋት ነው ብሎ ማሰብ ይቻላል፡፡
    ዛሬ ለሀገራችንና ለህዝባችን ግን ይህ አይነት አላስፈላጊ የታሪክ ጦርነት እና እንካ ሰላምታ ብዙም አይጠቅመንም፡፡የሰለጠነው አለም በተለይ የዲሞክራሲ ገነት ናት የምትባለው ልእለ ሃያል አሜሪካ ጭምር እንዴት እንደተመሰረተች ታሪኩን በቅጡ ለሚረዳ ሰው የየሀገራትን ምስረታ ታሪካዊ ውጣ ውረድ ለመረዳት አይከብደውም፡፡እራሱ ጦረኛና ተስፋፊ ሆኖ ሲዳማውን አማራውንና ሌላውንም ያባረረ ኦሮሞ መልሶ አማራውን ጦረኛና ተስፋፊ ብሎ መውቀሱ ብዙም አያስኬድም፡፡ዶ/ር መራራ ጉዲና እንዳሉት ለሁላችንም የምትሆን ኢትዮጵያን እንዴት እንመስርት የሚለው ነው ጠቃሚው ነገር፡፡እንደ እኔ እይታ የኢትዮጵያዊነትን ብሉይ ኪዳን እንዴት አዲስ ኪዳን እንፍጠርለት የሚለው ነው ጠቃሚው ነገር፡፡ወያኔዎች ኢትዮጵያን እንደገና ወደ ጥንቱ ዘመነ-መሳፍንት ነው የመለሷት፡፡ወያኔዎች አሁን እየተከተሉት ያለው አጉል ጀብደኝነት ውጤቱ ጥሩ አይሆንም፡፡አፄ ምኒልክ ሊወገዙም ሆነ ሊወደሱ የሚገባቸው በዘመኑ ካለው ሀገራዊ አህጉራዊና አለም አቀፋዊ ተጨባጭ ሁኔታ አንፃር ነው፡፡ሁሉን ነገር በዘመኑ ጥራዝ ነጠቅ የዲሞክራሲ ጭንብል ለማየት የምንፈልግ ከሆነ አደጋ አለው፡፡መቼም ከዚህችኛው ወይንም ከዚያኛው ዘር ልወለድ ብሎ በምርጫ ዲሞክራሲ የተወለደ ሰው የለም፡፡ወይንም እግዚአብሄር የሁሉ የበላይ ገዥ እግዚአብሄር የሆነው እኛ ስለመረጥነው አይደለም፡፡የሀገራትን ታሪክ ስናጠናም ሀገራት በአብዛኛው የተመሰረቱት በግለሰቦች አነሳሽነትና በህዝቦች ተከታይነት በጦርነት ጭምር ነው፡፡
    አፄ ምኒልክም ከዚህ የተለየ አላደረጉም፡፡I do not care who ever for how long he/she rules as long as its governance is endowed with intrinsic virtues. Any way let virtue rules.

    እግዚአብሄር ኢትዮጵያን ይባርክ!!!

  16. koya
    | #16


    you came to our country,you impose your law,you closed our arabic school in Dire dawa,put in jail the teachers this was recently after the 2nd whorld war,you bild meag church,you impose your language,sent governor from highland,killing somali,oromo,and afar,was like killing mosquitos.So if this is not colonial i dont know what is mean white is only colonial,ask the people of eastern ethiopia,they will teach you.They willteach you what is meaning living near mega garrison where the military have all the rights like god.

    What is more astonisihing is you are still against the new rights given to these colonised and oppressed people by the new federation of nations.I dont like ethnic,we were nation before your invasion we are nation today.We are for one new ethiopia (like Switzerland) and against the 14 provinces model.
    Tibeb come visit the eastern region,before rejecting accusation to foreigners ,the first universities ,in jigjiga and a 2nd one in Qabribayax took the places of the garrison. And there is a lot to improve.EPRDF will rule more years than you can imagine.

    | #17

    መረብ ላይ ከኮሎኒያሊስቶች ጋራ ግብግብ ስንገጥም “አባትህ” የፎከረውን ብቻ ስለምታውቅ ነው አይደል! “የጣልያን ጠላቶች የኛም ጠላቶች ናቸው” is the beginning of ባንዳነት on the earth of ምድረ ፅዮን aka ETHIOPIA!

    በተረፈ ቁጥር 16 koya’ን አስተውልውህ አንብብ!


    የትላንትናው ጠባሳ በስነ ስርአቱ ሲፈወስ ብቻ ነው ለወደፊቱም ሌላ ጠባሳ እንደማይመጣ ዋስትናውና፣ ከዚህም አንፃር በመነሳት ነው ታሪካችንን በማፅዳት ለመግባባት ውይይታችን! ከዚያም በላይ ደግሞ ማን ምን ያህል ዘመናት ገዛ ሳይሆን ነጥቡ፣ ማን በምን አይነት ዜቤ ሃገሪቱንና ህብረተሰቡን አስተዳደረና መራ ነው ነጥቡ!

    በርግጥ አሁንም ቢሆን ያለብን ችግር ካለፈው ሶስት ሺህ ዓመታት ታሪካችን ክፋትን እንጂ በጎነትን ስላልቀሰምን፣ still we are on MESS!

  18. ገብሬ
    | #18

    ስለ ሚኒልክ በየጊዜው የሚነሳው ክርክር : የሚያነሱት ሶስት ሚልዮን አማራ በትክክል ቁጥሩ የማይትዎቅ ኦሮሞ ሶማሌ አኝዋክ ደም እጃቸው ላይ ያለ ደቂ ኢምንታውያን የትግራይ ጠባቦች ናቸው ::ነገም ያነሱታል ተንገ ዎድያም ይነሱታል :: ጉዳዩ ግን 20 አመት የታኝክ ምስቲካ ከሆነ ዉሎ አድሯል:: የኦሮሞ ሰዎች ይህን ታሪክ መዝገብ ቤት ለታሪክ ተማራማሪዎች ትተው ጉልበታቸው ጊዜያቸውን የሚያዉሉት ዛሬ ለሚከናዎነው እና ስለ ዎደፊቱ እጣቸው ነው:: አንድ አንድ የዋህ አማሮች በዚህ ጊዜ ማጥፍያ ማቦዘዣ ነገር ጊዘያቺሁን አታጥፉ :: ጠባቦቹ ራስቸው አውጋዥ ራሳቸው ደጋፊ ሆነው የደንቆሮ ትራኢት ይጫዎቱ ባዶ ቤት :: ፍርድ መክላከያ ስይኖራቸው ደማቸው ለፈሰሰ ያገራቺን ሰዎች::

  19. dodo
    | #19

    Messay stop pontificating. Just because you have a philosophy background does nor mean that you have the remedies for ethiopia. This country has been a multic ethnic polity for a millennia. Just because your “oromo” tribe wish it,you cannot create an “oromo nation” Just because TPLF wishes it it cannot create a “Tigre nation” Nor does both of you create an “Amara nation” You return to this subject to this tribal argument over and over again. I am telling you that you are wrong big time. Try to learn about Ethiopian history and society.

  20. abbew
    | #20


    are you saying no body on my patch. presumably, you are now living in america or europe enjoying the freedom others gave you learn new languages, culture etc . but why do you find it hard to live mixed with others in ethiopia. no body can survive alone closed in their homes. we live in a world where national and local boundaries are disappearing. when this happens it is inevitable that people learn different languages and come to know and adopt different cultures to their own.

    The closed mentality promoted by narrow ethnic ‘liberation’ groups creates a mind of slavery and fear of others not liberation. They encourage you to think within the confines of your ethnic boundary, to be suspicious of others and fearful. this is called self imprisonment.

    we want to break free from this mentality, so that we can all grow together sharing what we know and have.

  21. ገብሬ
    | #21

    የ ትግራይ ጠባቦች ብሄርተኛነት ተእቢት ምን የ እዉቀት እና የኢኮኖሚ መሰረት አለው ? ዎይስ ባዶ ቦታ ነው?

  22. Anonymous
    | #22

    I rarely read Tecola Hagos. He is verbose; as a professor of philosophy he lacks clarity not to mention his perfidious nature. The question is who raped Ethiopia and its cradle history: from General Sir James Charles Napier and the rindepest that ravaged Ethiopia and slowly the rest of Africa. Who are the Askaris(soldato)who largely savage and brutal who descend during the Italian invasion in 1936. Who destroyed EPRP, undermined the state of Ethiopia from day one. Who let Eritrea benefit and took over Assab. I hope one can know who is Attila and the Han.

  23. ገብሬ
    | #23

    የአማራ መንፈስ የዱርየ እና የአራዳ የዋሾ የ ባንዲትዚም ጠላት ነው :: አማራ መሆን እምነት ነው ::ምንድነው ይህ እምነት?ቀስተ ደመና እምነቱ ምን ድነው ? ፀሃይ!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!:: ፀሃይ አስከ አለ ሩጥ ::

    | #24

    “In thus fragmenting the Ethiopian society while also claiming to be the sole holder of its unity, the TPLF does no more than play with fire: in baptizing ethnic groups nations, it has planted the seed of civil war and secession in the heart of the system in the vain hope of securing a perennial rule.

    የምን civil war ብለህ ደግሞ አመጣህብኝ? ደቡቦች የሰው ልጅነት ነፃነታቸውን ይጎናፀፉ ዘንዳ the first step, and the end of the shrewdness of Ankober ብቻ ነው! ከዚያ በላይ ምንም የሚጨመርበትና የሚቀነስበት ቅንጣትም የለውም!እድሜ ለቖልዓ ……!That ተአምር of ናቅፋ-ሽረ-ደብረታቦር-ህንድ ውቅያኖስ never happened in the past and will never happen in the future! And now i have heard, that, that TPDM is overrnunning everything from Adi Keyeh until Tesseney!? ይሄ ሁሉ DC ላይ ሆኖ በwestern union ተስተላልፎልህ የግብፅን $$ መቀበል እንዳይመስላችሁ እነ #9 !

    “… I shall endeavor, if God’s gives me the strength, to reestablish the ancient frontiers of Ethiopia up to Khartoum, and as far as Lake Nyamza with all the Gallas and the Arussi country up to the limits of the Somalis, including the Province of Ogaden.”

    ዋና ዋናዎቹን ግዝአተ ፅዮንን እነ አዱሊስ፣ ማሳዋ፣ ዓዲ ቐይሕ እና ድባሩዋን በሁለት ጠመንጃ ልዋጭ ለጠላት ከተሸጡ በኋላማ ምኑን ተይዞ ነው ለመሆኑ ግዛት ማስከበር ብሎ ልፋፋ!?ይልቁንስ አሁን hands up ተደርጎ የሰሜናዊውን TPDM ፍፃሜን ካየን በኋ በእኩልነት አብሮ ለዘላለማችን ለመኖር ጠንቀቅ እንበል!

  25. Alasebu
    | #25

    I was waiting for you to tell us where Messay is wrong. Nothing came of your “pontificating” Dodo.

  26. woyane is in crisis -politically and financially?
    | #26

    Thank you Pro Mesay
    I love your descriptions, analysis and presentations of the belief/assumptions behind Ethiopian ethnic politics and perceptions of the past by different ethnic-politics analyzers.

    One thing we should not deny is that whether we call them colonialist or expansionist their actions is not free of crimes- like killings and destruction of thousands of lives of local people and their belongings which include their lands, traditions, cultures and dignities.

    why do we think too much of the past when our future is destroyed by Woyane ?

    I will like to close my comment by saying that we have no control of our past but we can make contributions to better the future.

    | #27

    The evil globalists are raping historical and spiritual Ethiopia. Ethiopia has been the main source of pride of black race. According to the globalists evil mentality, this source has to be weakened or eliminated. What the globalists need to rape this historical nation is to give multifaceted aid (money, military,NGO, oppressive and perversion skill) to the TPLF thugs.The globalists know that the TPLF thugs sell their soul and Ethiopia for money and power because they have weak psychological makeup. What TPLF boasts about economic development is total shame. The economic development in Ethiopia is like an innocent girl raped by an old man and then in return given some showy cosmetics and fashion to cover up her broken heart. Today Ethiopia is like that innocent little girl. The showy buildings in Addis are to cover this reality. Foreign aid and the economy is even systematically designed just mainly to benefit the TPLF thugs and their ethnic lines in power. My point is that why Menelik is denounced is because he is the real African hero who averted this rape of Ethiopia. Whether Ethiopians like it or not this is the bitter reality to swallow. Today Ethiopians are the most depraved, ignored and disrespected peoples in the world. Look what happens in Yemen and South Africa. By the way do they have a real government? I think Ethiopians have been stolen their nation by the globalist agents-TPLF thugs.

  28. woyane is in crisis -politically and financially?
    | #28

    What I forget to say was:
    Past history is an excuse which Woyane and its supporters use to loot the country and sell it to foreigners. So it is only the Woyane elites and their likes that use it as a propaganda means to carry out the operational assignment given by foreigners. So the propaganda as such dose not have any significant effect, impact or acceptances by the majority of the Ethiopian people. Because Woyane did not come to power because it received support from Ethiopian people. Secondly it did not win any elections.

    My point is it is not the misinterpretations of historical facts which is the reason why Woyane is in still in power but the financial and other supports it gets from the west that help to stay in power.

    There is no loyal supporter who will die for Woyane. it is only the Western financial and other technical support that helped stay in power.

    I ask Prof Mesay always to address or think about the determining forces in Ethiopian politics or African politics but you never see the importance and significance of Western role in determining who should be a leader of Ethiopia.
    As Prof Mesay knows nationalism is being undermined in today politics by leaders of globalization.
    Can you, professor, please address this issue – Western role in supporting ethnic politics in Ethiopia based on historical and present facts.
    Why do they support it? How do they support it? its impacts to Ethiopian and others.

    Thank you again.

  29. woyane is in crisis -politically and financially?
    | #29

    Pro Mesay
    It is better to lead us in dealing with the existing threats to our survival and existence. Talking about the past is like arguing about split milk. Please answer my questions.

  30. woyane is in crisis -politically and financially?
    | #30

    Pro Mesay
    Why are you ignoring my questions. I thought you want us to discuss and debate based on the issues you raised. if that is not your aim why do you send it to Abugida. Why not write a book and then see how many people will bother to read your book.

    Let me give you more example for you to see whether your points has any relevance to today’s world politics. Who is fighting in Libya, Egypt, Iraq, Yemen, or Syria? Are you saying it is civil war and the people of these countries are fighting each other?

    I expected from you as a prof that you will answer my question by defending or explaining.
    Thank you

  31. koya
    | #31

    To N° 30

    As Walleliggne stated ethiopia is the prison of nationalities and the question of nationalities has been and is the most contentious issue since Ethiopia took its current shape.
    Talking about the national question is not talking about the past. Mr 30 have you follwed the election in SCOTLAND? The scottish nationalists won 56 over 59 seats in the paliamant.And this is in supposed to have solved national question. In Ethiopia reality we are and will be deeply and for longtime in ethnic politic .Pro Messay is compltely right to let us share our opinions in this ral and burning question,not democracy and bla bla bla

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