Dictatorship and its Evolution, Chapter II: Contrasting Burma with Ethiopia By Messay Kebede

November 15th, 2015 Print Print Email Email

The news that Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy, in addition to wining a majority in Burma’s recent parliamentary elections, has enough seats to elect its own candidate to the presidency, is both a remarkable triumph of democracy and a lesson for Ethiopia’s ruling groups and opposition parties. In December 2011, I published an article, titled “Dictatorship and its Evolution: Contrasting Burma with Ethiopia,” in which I lay out the similitudes and differences between the two countries, with the view of understanding the reasons why Burma is moving toward democratic reforms while Ethiopia under Meles was moving backward by bluntly violating the constitution. Those interested in reading the article, go to


Ethiopia and Burma have in common an extended period of dictatorial rule and economic mismanagement, first through the adoption of a socialist program and then through “a skewed policy of privatization of state-owned enterprises” that led “to the formation of conglomerates owned by ramifications of the ruling parties or their closest cronies.” Another similarity is that both countries have suffered from ethnic conflicts and insurgencies and are still fragmented along ethnic lines, with the notable difference that “the military in Burma were able to contain ethnic insurgencies, whereas armed insurgent groups defeated and destroyed the Ethiopian army.” Even more characteristic of the two regimes is the way they dealt with electoral defeats. When in 1990 the opposition party led by Suu Kyi won a landslide victory, the military refused to accept defeat and put Suu Kyi and other leaders under house arrest. In a similar way, Meles ignored the substantial gain of the opposition in the 2005 parliamentary elections and jailed Kinijit’s leaders.

As to the differences between the two regimes, two important factors stand out. (1) The attitude of Western countries: even though both regimes are openly undemocratic, the West chose to support the Ethiopian regime diplomatically and economically while it imposed international sanctions against Burma. (2) Dissimilar political strategies: recognizing its undemocratic nature, the military regime in Burma came up in 2003 with a roadmap for a progressive democratization, unlike the Ethiopian regime, which “never offered any transitional arrangement on the grounds that Ethiopia is provided with a blossoming democracy.” As a result, taking the opposite direction of Burma’s path toward democratic opening, the Ethiopian regime cancelled all the democratic provisions of the constitution in its bid to win all parliamentary seats, de facto establishing a one-party state.

What can explain the divergent paths taken by the two regimes? There is no doubt that one major incentive for change of Burma’s military leaders is the understanding of the necessity of political reforms to bring about economic development. The understanding stems from the geographical situation of Burma, notably, from the fact that “it is part of a region that is going through an unprecedented economic boom. The realization that Burma, far from participating in the boom, is falling behind is incentive enough for the military to think about change.” The other incentive is the need to lift the international sanctions that the West imposed by the promise of progressive reforms toward democratization.

By contrast, the Ethiopian regime still benefits from Western generous economic aid and diplomatic support despite its appalling violations of the democratic rights of the people. Moreover, the extremely poor performance of African countries, in particular of the Horn of Africa, presents the Ethiopian regime as the least of all evils. It even allows the regime to brag about achieving a growth rate unprecedented in any other African country. In other words, both the Western support and the failure of the surrounding environment deprive the Ethiopian regime of the incentive to change.

Another reason is the illusion created by Meles and endorsed by the TPLF according to which Ethiopia can replicate the Chinese model of development. Otherwise known as the developmental state, the model is believed to achieve rapid economic development without the attendant political reforms, including democratization. Having decided to rule by sheer force and constant surveillance after its 2005 electoral defeat, the ruling party understood that the success of an outright policy of repression depends on a strong and dedicated repressive apparatus and on the ability to deliver some rudiment of economic growth for ordinary people. Developmental state is just this instrument to achieve the two goals of silencing the country and offering, in exchange, a modicum of economic betterment for the people while rewarding profusely party members, cronies, and supporters.

The illusion originates from a complete misreading of the conditions that made possible the Chinese economic success and of the drastic differences between the sociopolitical characteristics of China and Ethiopia. To mention some of them, Ethiopia is a country fractured along ethnic lines, as opposed to the ethnically uniform nature of Chinese society. The ethnic divisions, mostly fueled by the TPLF itself, have created fractured elites that are in constant state of rivalry and little prone to pursue a common goal in a systematic and dedicated fashion under an uncontested leadership. This explains why governmental plans are always subject to inconsistent revisions, let alone being fully implemented.

For the idea of developmental state to work, it requires what the Chinese had, namely, a “monolithic political elite fashioned by decades of ideological uniformity, Spartan alignment, and an internalized sense of hierarchical discipline.” Instead, what we observe even within the EPRDF with the so-called democratic centralism is not discipline, but the fear of repression by the Woyanne leadership. That the EPRDF is saturated with arrivistes, yes-men, and opportunists of all kinds, to the extent that their proliferation raises the level of corruption, incompetence, and self-serving culture to an unfathomable degree, is another indication of its inappropriateness for the conception and implementation of feasible developmental plans.

In my previous article, I wrote that, unlike the Burmese orientation toward an incremental progression to democracy, “the Woyanne’s attitude of denying rights permitted by the Constitution blocks political evolution, giving Ethiopians no other option than violent uprisings.” Yet, at the time I wrote the article, I had still some hope that the regime would regain its sense and move away from the path of repressive methods of government. I expressed my hope by asking a question that looks terribly naïve now: “Why wait until things get out of hands with animosity reaching a boiling point even as solutions able to reconcile all interests can be worked out?” Indeed, the inability of the regime to pull the country out of generalized poverty, as witnessed by the millions of people who now suffer from famine, and its dedication to enriching the few at the expense of the many, are proof enough of the need for political reforms that the Woyanne elite seems unable to understand.

The last elections as a result of which the EPRDF declared an electoral score of 100 percent made me understand that the Woyanne are determined to risk anything, even violent uprisings and civil wars, to retain their economic and political hegemony. Also, I could not find any external or internal constraints that would influence them to contemplate even a modest political opening. That is why I had to resign to the inevitability of change through violent means in light of the powerlessness of peaceful opposition. Giving up the hope of a peaceful change was not my choice; it was and still is dictated by objective conditions. After all, as Marx said, “men make their own history, but they do not make it as they please; they do not make it under self-selected circumstances, but under circumstances existing already

  1. Nuredin
    | #1

    Professor Messay Kebede has made good points and insightful analysis. The developmental state of the TPLF in Ethiopia is a predator state through which the TPLF leaders and their followers are sucking the blood of the poor. As a fascist ethnic group, the TPLF do not have any national vision or agenda to bring about Development and progress in Ethiopa. Even the front has failed to produce enough food with the billions of aid dollars it is collecting from the donors. The late TPLF main ethnic chief Meles Zenawi, mimicked the develpmental state to consolidate his absolute power ane become a life time ethnic dictator. I also believe that the late Meles Zenawi has copied the idea of the developmental state from the `Singapore`development model`articualetd by the leaders of Eritrea. He did not have the faculty to properly understand and implement the developmental state model and confused his own blind followers and beneficiaries. The Foreign Aid Dependent State`he has put in place is anti-development and retarding in its nature. Because it is a corrupt and a predator state that kills local iniatives and creativity necessary for development.

  2. Olango
    | #2

    The illuminating artcle by professor Messay Kebede lays bare the fallacies of the late TPLF leader,Meles Zenawi. The TPLF ethnic dictatorship in Ethiopia is basically a Group of corrupt and incompetent thugs who prey on the poor and plunder the country. The policies of the TPLF do not create any suitable condition for an all embracing economic Growth and development in the country. It is the rule by thugs and for thugs.

  3. aha1
    | #3

    Thank you Professor Messay Kebede for enlightening us on the achievement by Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy of Burma as a torch bearer for democracy to say the least about comparing apples and oranges. Which party in Ethiopia is comparable to the national League for Democracy of Burma, even though the struggle in Ethiopia is for freedom and democracy?
    Is it UDJP or OPDO/EFDF/Medrek/fdre, a coalition of UDJP, Tigrai Harena and loyalist opposition parties you mind or KAEUP,EPRP, Smayawi party, etc. you have in mind as the torch bearer for democracy, let alone freedom of the individual as precursor for democracy?

    The main contrasting factor is that Burma is under Military Dictatorship, which still holds, I presume a third of the seats in the parliament after the election. The Ethiopian Government on the other hand is operates under Ethnic Dictatorship, that holds 99.6 % of seats in the parliament after the 2015 election with OPDO/EFDF/Medrek/fdre, a mirror image of the TPLF/eprdf regime with ethnic rather than national agenda from its objectives of being ethnic-oriented than people-oriented government a pre-requisite to democracy, unless you are thinking in terms of superimposing democracy over ethnic rule as the major contender. Even if it wins halve of the seats it would have no impact on the current frame work of the constitution nor bring about individual freedom and democracy. The same scenario has been reflected in the 2010 election, where one Ethiopian comented before the election in 2010, “kengideh wodih mircha yemibal neger waga yelewim, inezihima yalew mengist gilibach nachew, speaking of “Medrek”.

  4. aha1
    | #4

    Ctd from aha! #3, while the UDJP’s stance for democracy and justice may be analogous to as the Ethiopian saying goes “yeqotun awerd bill yebituan talech”, referring to Ethiopian Nationalism for unity, territorial integrity, sovereignity of Ethiopia and Ethiopians. The stance for OPDO/EFDF/fdre is implicetely support the ideology of ethnic federalism, secessionism and totalitarianism and/or developmental state built into the constitution in direct contrast to Ethiopian Nationalism of Ethiopia as a one nation state of 80 ethnic groups, where an assorted ethnic groups live in each of the provinces, where private land ownership, apart from the tenure system has been the source of inspiration and later for free market capitalism for the majority of Ethiopians not defined by Identity “gossa” card to move settle and work of ones own free will. Therefore, in the Ethiopian politics to date, the major confrontations is between Ethiopian Nationalism vs ethnic federalism, secessionism and totalitarianism as carry over from the Derg Military Dictatorship and state capitalism, supported by TPLF/Political, TPLF/EFFORT, TPLF affiliated enterprises and foreign corporations engaged in exploitation and political strangle hold of the country’s resources and the silent majority of Ethiopians, who do not buy into the ideologies of the TPLF/eprdf regime. Is this scenario anywhere similar to the Government in Burma?

    If comparing as a form of reasoning and analysis is between countries that are similar and contrasting between two countries that are different, One can not see similarities in their approach to seeking for democracy, while there are differences in seeking freedom and/or democracy between the two countries. And the question of seeking freedom and democracy is questionable by embracing ethnic federalism, secessionism, totalitarianism and state capitalism explicitly or implicitly without ratification of the constitution in terms of article 2, the flag, article 46, ethnic federalism, article 39, ethnic secessionism and article 8, the sovereignty Ethiopia and Article 10 (1& 2), the precedence of individual rights over ethnic and secessionist rights, whereas if the individual rights are respected, the group rights follow through, but not vice versa.

  5. AMAN
    | #5

    Dear Awates
    There was an interesting read on Awate’s blog this morning.
    what is the reason to take it out ?
    It was an intelligent and educational opinions by some very
    knowledgeble writters we all could have learned from ?
    Please explain it to us your readers.
    Thank you

  6. ወገን
    | #6

    የወያኔ ተላላኪዎች በኩዌትና ባህሬን ነዋሪ ለሆኑ ኢትዮጵያውያኖች ባስተላለፉት መግልጫ አዘል ትእዛዝ እንዳሉት ከሆነ “በረሃብ ለተጎዱ ወገኖች የሚደረጉ እርዳታዎችና ገንዘብ ማሰባሰቦች እኛ ስንፈቅድና በእኛ አማካኝነት ብቻ ነው” ብለዋል።
    የመግለጫው ሶስተኛ አንቀጽ እንዲህ ይነበባል፣
    “…በሌላ በኩል ጉዳዩ ከልብ አሳስቧችሁ ነገር ግን ግልጽነትና ተጠያቂነት በሌለው ሁኔታ እንዲሁም ሕጋዊ አካሄድን ሳይከተል “ለወገን ደራሽ ወገን ነው” በሚል የተለያዩ ማህበራዊ ሚድያዎችን በመጠቀም ገንዘብ በማሰባሰብ ላይ የምትገኙ ሁሉ ይህንን ህገወጥ ተግባር እንድታቆሙ፣ ሌሎቻችሁም በየዋህነት በእንቅስቃሴው እንዳትሳተፉ እንጠይቃለን”።
    “ችግሩ እስካሁን ድረስ ከመንግስት ቁጥጥር ውጭ አልወጣም፣ በሰዎች ላይም አደጋ አልደረሰም” ሲል ያተተው መግልጫ… በመጨረሻም መንግስት እርዳታ የሚፈልግ ከሆነ እኛ ስንጠይቃችሁ ያን ጊዜ ገንዘቡን ለኛ ትሰጣላችሁ ብሏል።
    ይህ በዚህ እንዳለ ታዋቂው የመብት ተሟጋች አርቲስት ታማኝ በየነ እና ሌሎችም የሚሳተፉበት “ዓለማቀፍ ትብብር ለኢትዮጵያውያን መብት” በመባል የሚታወቀው የሰብአዊ መብት ማኅበር ሰሞኑን ባወጣው መግለጫ ማህበሩ ከዚህ ቀደም በሳውዲ አረብያ ለተቸገሩ ኢትዮጵያውያን ፈጥኖ እንደደረሰ ሁሉ አሁንም አግባብ ካላቸው የአለም ዓቀፍ ረድኤት ድርጅቶች ጋር በመነጋገርና በውጭ ሃገራት የሚኖሩ ኢትዮጵያውያንን በማስተባበር በፍጥነት በርሃብ ለተጎዱ ወገኖች እርዳታ ለማሰባሰብ በመስራት ላይ እንደሚገኝ አስታውቋል።
    በስልጣን ላይ ያለው የወያኔ አስተዳደር ጥንት ጫካ በነበረበት ሰዓት በብዙ መቶ ሚሊዮኖች የሚቆጠር ዶላር ከረሃብተኛው አፍ ነጥቆ መውሰዱን ቢቢሲ እና በወቅቱ የወያኔ አመራር አባል የነበሩት አቶ ገብረመድህን አርአያ ማጋለጣቸው ይታወሳል።

  7. Anonymous
    | #7

    ብዙ ኢትዮፒያውያን ስለ ኢትዮፒያና ኢርትሪያ ይከራከራሉ ተወደደም ተተላም ሻቢያ እና ወያኒ የትግሪን ዘር እስከወዲያኛው ነጻነቱን እና ህልውናውን ለማስጠበቅ ኢትዮፒያን እንደ አገር እንዳትኮም ማድረግ ዋናኛ ፕላናቸው ነው ይህ ሲሆን ብቻ ኢርትሪያም ትግሪም የ ኢኮኖሚ ባለቢት ሆነው በሂደት እርትሪያና ትግሪም በፊዲሪሽን ተቀላክለው አንድ ሆነው የሚኖሩበትን መንገድ ለማመቻቸት በጋራ ኢትዮፒያን ለመበታተን የሚጠቀሙባት ዘዲ እና የ ኢትዮፒያን አንጡራ ሃብት እየዘረፉ አገራቸውን እንዲ ገነቡ የተስማሙበት በዋናነት እርትሪያን ነጻነታን ከነ ወደብ ማስረከብ ምክንያቱም ወደቡን ሊላው ኢትዮፒያዊ እንዳይጠቀም ኢርትራ እጅ ውስጥ ካለ ትግሪ ወደፊት ከ እርትሪያጋር ስለሚሆን የራሳቸው አርገው ስለሚቆጥሩና አንዱ ኢትዮፒያን ለማፍረስ ያደረጉት ሲራ ነበር ሊላው ህወሃት ኢትዮፒያላይ ተቀምቶ አዲስ አበባን ይዞ አምሃራውን ማትፋት አምሃራውን ካላጠፋን ለትግሪ ዘር ለ ኢርትሪያም ሆነ ለትግሪ አደጋነው ይላሉ እርትሪያና ትግሪም የተለያዩት በአምሃራዎች ምክንያት ነው ሚሊሊክ አምሃራ ስለሆነ ኢርትሪያ ለታሊያን ተሰታ ትግሪላይ መቶ ባይዋጋ ኖሮ አንለያይም የሚል በተለይ ህወሃቶች ኢርትሪያውያኑን አንድ ነን እያሉ የሚያሳምኑበት እና በጋራ አምሃራውን ካተፋን ለናተም ለኛም ነው በማለት ይሰብካሉ ይህንንም ለማድረግ የግዲታ አዲሥ አበባን መያዝ እንዳለባቸው እና አላማቸውን አሳክተው እኛም እንገነጠላለን እያሉ እርትራዊያኑን እያሳመኑ ዋናው እርትሪያ እና ትግሪ በጋራ መስራት እንዳለበት ነበር ወያኒ እርትራዊያኑን የሚያሳምነው በዋናነት አምሃራው የ እርትሪያንም መገንጠል የማይቀበል እና ወደቡንም ለ ኢርትሪያ እንዳይሰጥ የሚጠይቀው የማይቀበለው አምሃራነው የሚል በአምሃራው ላይ ትልክ ጥላቻ አለባቸው ኦሮሞው ኢትዮፒያን ቆርሰን ሰተን ክልልህ ብለን ካልነው ሊላ አይፈልግም አድርግ ያልነውን ሁሉ ያደርጋል የሚል በኦሮሞላይ ችግር እንደሊለባቸው ይናገራሉ በዋናነት አምሃራው ከጠፋ የትግሪ ልጅ ለህልውናው የሚያደርገው ሁሉ ተሳካ ማለት ነው በሚል አላማ ነው ወያኒ እየሰራ ያለው ችግሩ ከ ሻቢያ ጋር በባድሚ ምክንያት ባለ ስልጣናቶቹ በአሚሪካ ምክንያት ስለ ተጣሉ ወያኒ እርትራዊያኑን ከ ኢትዮፒያ ማባረሩ

  8. aha!
    | #8

    Ctd from #4, the other difference between the two countries is that Burma is under Military Dictatorship, while Ethiopia is under Ethnic Dictatorship, nevertheless minority ethnic dictatorship now and majority ethnic dictatorship in the future. The minority ethnic dictatorship of Ethiopia is a coalition of ex-liberation fronts, known as eprdf, the teletafi parties forming TPLF/eprdf regime, supported by security, federal police and military forces and killil administrators subservient to TPLF, the politburo, ruling the country, where the Amhara Ethnic group has been forced to change its name from EDM(Ethiopian Democratic Movement) to ANDM (Amhara National Democratic Movement), let alone to be administered by TPLF and EPLF surrogates. The consequences of that has boiled down into the current turmoil in the Amhara region under ethnic federalism, a prelude to ethnic secessionism, future conflicts and an ongoing ethnic cleansing and outmigration of Ethiopians for slave labor in the middle East by human traffickers.

    You mentioned the motivation for change in Burma the economic development by the neighboring countries, granted both counties are characterized by repressive regimes, the motivation for Ethiopians is freedom first and foremost with the goals for unity, territorial integrity, sovereignty of Ethiopia and Ethiopians in a non-violent uprising to freedom, supported armed struggle to restore Ethiopian Nationalism, followed by ratification of the constitution and forming parties along national agenda in the same as western democracies.

  9. Dawi
    | #9

    Prof. Messay said:

    [[..the illusion created by Meles and endorsed by the TPLF according to which Ethiopia can replicate the Chinese model of development...]]

    How can you call it illusion? As you know it is still a shift from ethnic federalism to more centralized “developmental state” as in the historical Ethiopia. Right ?

    You have acknowledged in the past how the many mega-projects particularly the GERD has become a centralizing factor by envisioning economic prosperity; nation building on the basis of economic growth no more relying on civil and political issues. That is huge.

    As we speak the GERD impact in Ethiopia at the local, regional and national levels is heartfelt. There are some 15,000 multi ethnic folks working on it. Even without generating power it adds to GDP; encourages urbanization and industrialization etc. not to mention Ethiopia becoming the leader of geopolitical influence in the region surpassing Egypt.

  10. Dawi
    | #10

    Aha pointing out that there is no viable alternative that compares to Burma today is well taken by me.

    First of all, we know “ethnic federalism” was designed to decentralize decision making to their respective ethnic regions while Meles’s DDS on the other hand is for building of a strong central power that is work in progress today by HD’s government? Isn’t that our existing situation?

    Then why not acknowledge DDS as the better alternative at this juncture for us then?

  11. Dawi
    | #11

    aha said:

    [[..The consequences of that has boiled down into the current turmoil in the Amhara region under ethnic federalism, a prelude to ethnic secessionism, future conflicts and an ongoing ethnic cleansing and outmigration of Ethiopians for slave labor in the middle East by human traffickers…]]

    The current turmoil shall subside. When Ethnic conflicts arise the system has mechanisms to manage it democratically; in other words, it won’t go out of hands; it hasn’t thus far. DDS is more centralizing that the past governments with less violence. It shall unite the country more than ever. When DDS takes the full dominant role in the country, Ethnic parties shall be irrelevant & EPRDF shall dissolve because there won’t be a need ethnic party coalition. That is exactly the words of Bereket of ANDOM in his latest interview.

    “slave labor ..middle East human traffickers” are mainly economic issues that will subside with rapid development of the country.

    Have you read the other news that ANDOM is behind the issue with the Sudan border skirmishes? According to a Sudanese Ambassador that is! So much for they being a puppet of TPLF!

  12. Girmay
    | #12

    The ethnic conflicts and displacements targeting specifically the Amhara communities in Ethiopia are part and Parcel of the politics of the TPLF. The Amhara communities have been the main viticms and targets of the divide and rule politics of the TPLF. As an ethno-fascist front, the TPLF uses its divide and rule tactic to cling to pwer.

  13. Aha!
    | #13

    Dawi @9, need to wait for Professor Messay Kebede to rebut your response and I will wait for response from the professor a rebuttal to my response. By the way I never said what you said, when it comes to party/ies he had in mind.

    As far your GERD project employing “15,000 multi-ethnic folks” is concerned consider it as laborers under the crony capitalism by TPLF/Political and TPLF/EFFORT which subcontract the GERD project in a manner similar to ex-apparthed South Africa by the Dutch Boers who had a political and economic strangle hold of the countries resources. Do like to tell us otherwise of economic and political model adopted by the TPLF/eprdf regime of ex-liberation fronts which fought the previous regimes against oppression of nations and nationalities that gave rise to the current ethnic federalism and secessionism built into the constitution but not a class struggle for land reform and workers rights, which would have led to a democratic revolution from the HIM’s Government and latter on from the Derg Military Dictatorship.

  14. Dawi
    | #14

    aha – I am assuming you’re referring to the viral video of the Kemant situation complaining about ANDM’s mistreatment of their group?

    If you notice they still are counting/trusting for the Fed resolving their situation. So it goes to show that such things don’t seem to get out of hand. Worst situations have subsided in other areas in the past with minimum violence. Meaning, the capabilities/record of the FED resolving such issues can be counted on until we see things otherwise.

    The old systems didn’t have a better system/history in dealing with such situations; they got D- in my book. EPRDF is a C+? :)

  15. aha!
    | #15

    anonymous @#7, three theories on the campaign EPLF and TPLF are conducting on Ethiopian Nationalism /Ethiopiawinet (eventhough it is out of context for this article): first “shabia ina woyane yetigren zer iskewodiayagnaw netsanetnina hiliwinawin lemastebek Ethiopia indehager indatikom madreg wanna planachew new’,

    Second, Oromow Ethiopian korsen seten kililih bilen setiten kililih bilen kalnew lela ayifeligim” and

    third waging a campaign against amara, Amharic and the orthodox church which according to Anonymous “amarawun matifat amarwun kaletfan letigre zer leeriream hone letigre adega nuw yilalu”.

    Assuming the first theory is derived from the TPLF Manifesto, it pours cold water on Eritrean and Relations Conference hosted by Vision Ethiopia and ESAT conducted in October, 2015 and therefore Arbegnoch-Ginbot 7 merge launching a war from Eritrea, where merge has to be based on the basis of the goals for unity, territorial integrity, sovereignity of Ethiopia and Ethiopians, under Ethiopian Nationalism. These goals are in direct contrast with goals with the goals for the TPLF/eprdf regime as well as OPDO?EFD/Medrek/fdre, with “yekilil Mengistats iqulinet mebit Mekeber among others and lately proposed consociatianal democracy by Dr. Negasso Gidada on the existing ethnic boundaries as a redress to the current constitution. It boils down to the outcome that TPLF as the architect of the constitution with the ideologies of ethnic federalism, secessionism and totalitarianism built into the constitution with intent of denying individual rights in preference to ethnic rights and individual property ownership anywhere in Ethiopia as one of the means of production and growth of GDP,lack of independent branches of the government and lack of Government as care taker of the resources and its people, let alone the territorial integrity of the country.

    The second theory is the by product of the first manifesto and campaign against the amahara ethnic group, but it did not stop acknowledging ethnic federalism continued into the struggle for secessionist rights to secede up to independence continued into war-like confrontations with the regime, ethnic cleansing, etc. These theory points to fact the constitution needs ratified with respect to Article 2, the flag, Article 46, ethnic federalism, and ethnic secessionism as well as the economic model towards people rather ethnic -oriented government or ethnic dictatorship by reverting to the original provinces with assorted ethnic groups in each of those provinces in a liberal and/social democracy, where the individual rights are front and center for viable democracy and developing the country across ecological regions, where people in each of the regions are the products of their environments and their genetic make up, responding to developments by region.

    The third theory will evaporate as the result of the implementation of the first and second theories, all of which are supported by written documents.

  16. henock
    | #16

    For over 2 decades, Messay Kebede promoted the erroneous view that Marxism as the only road to dictatorship. Now he seem to retract his fallacious view. This sis a good sign.

  17. aha!
    | #17

    To listen to the narratives the preceding commentaries listen to finote.org/Dec03EVE_Hr1mp3 as the torch bearers for freedom and democracy in Ethiopia in collaboration with andinet hayloch including the youth generation. That I believe is the direction that sets the silent majority free from the current minority ethnic dictatorship and the future majority ethnic dictatorship.

  18. ዘረ-ያዕቖብ ወ.ግ.ዓ.ም-ፅዮን The Eth. Korrektiv Therapeut
    | #18

    ደርሶባቸው ያለው Disaster ዝም ብሎ ከሰማይ የወረደ ወይንም ኢትዮጵያ ያመጣችባቸው, ግፋ ቢባልም ምናልባት አሜሪካ ወይንም ደግሞ ኢሳያስ ኣፈወርቂ ብቻውን ያመጣባቸው መስሎ ብቻ ነው የሚታያቸው:: የማይገባቸው ግን እነሱው ራሳቸው ያካሄዱት የ40 እስከ 50 ዓመታት መሽቀርቀርና የአስተሳሰብ ዜሮነት መሆኑን ተረድተው ራሳቸውን ለማስተካከል እንደ መጣር ይልቅ, ካለባቸው ችግር ለመሸሽና ሌላ ቦታ ደግሞ ተሽቀርቅሮ ብቅ በማለት አዋቂና አስፈላጊነት ያላቸው ለመምሰል ይሞክራሉ:: ከዚህም በመነሳት ነው ወይ የማሌሊት የታሪክ ማጅራት መቺነት ተቀጣሪነት ተግባራትን ይቀበላሉ ወይንም ደግሞ በሌላኛው ገፃቸው የአማራ ተቆርቛሪ ለመምሰል ይሞክራሉ:: የማይገባቸው ጉዳይ ግን እነሱ እጃቸውን ያጠለቁበት ቦታ ሁሉ መደምደምያው disasterነት ብቻ መሆኑ ነው:: እንቆቅልሽ ምን አውቅልሽን ብንጫወት, ለመሆኑ እነዚህ እነማናቸው, please እነ 12 ሆይ !!??

    በሌላ በኩል ደግሞ ያ-ሰውዬ ከሟቹ የክርትናው ልጁ ጀምሮ እስከ በየመቐለው ዩኒቨርስቲ ካድሬዎች እንዲሁም እስከ በየፖርታሉ የታሪክ ማጅራት መችነት ሁሉ ሳይቀር ለምን በነሱ መገልገል እንደሚወድለት ብቻ ነው….!!?? ትግራዋይነትን ወዘ-ኢትዮጵያዊነትን የከዱ በመሆናቸው ለእኔ ታማኝ አገልጋዮች ይሆናሉና
    እነሱን the disasteriansን ከያዝኩኝ ብቻ ነው ኢትዮጵያንም አዘቅት ውስጥ የምከታት የሚል ህንጥያ!? (አይዙዋችሁ ትግርኛ ተለማማጆች, ህንጥያ የሚለው ቃል አያደናግጣችሁ!it is simply in TIGRIGNA.) ከዳተኛ ግን ተግባሩን ምን ጊዜም እንደማይተው, በክርስትና ልጁ ተግባራት እንኳን ትንሽ ነቃ አይልም እንዴ? በጋለሞታዎች ለውጦት ሲያበቃ አልነበረም እንዴ ከሌሎች ጋራ መሽቀርቀርን ጀምሮ የነበረው:: ነገሩ ወደ ሶስት አመታት አልፎታል እንጂ, ለመሆኑ ለምንድነው በቀብሩ ስነስርአት ላይ ያልተገኘው!!!???? በክዳት ምክንያት?
    ለነገሩ ያህል ነው እንጂ እንደፈለጋቸው ሊከዳዱ ይችላሉ, ግን ሃገራችንን ከዳተኛነትን ብቻ አያስለምዱብን, ግንስ ምን ተስፋ አለን, የገዛ ታሪካቸውን እንኳን በማጅራት መቺዎች ያስገነደቡ, ምን ለሃገራችን ያስባሉ ተብሎ ነው!!?? በጣም የባሰው ችግር ደግሞ የነሱ ተቃዋሚ ነን ባዮቹም ትምኒታቸው “በግልፅ አልነግራችሁም እንጂ ጥረቴ ሁሉ ከነሱ የባስኩኝ ዘራፊ ለመሆን ነው ምኞቴ” እያሉ ነጋ ጠባ ስለሚያቅራሩብን ነው:: እኛ ብቻ ሁሉንም ያጣ ሆነን መቅረታችን ነውና, እንግዲህ የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ሆይ እንዴት ትወጣው….!!??

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