ANALYSIS: ETHIOPIA’S SIMMERING SORES AND THE RE-OPENING OF OLD WOUNDS – BY Kalkidan Yibeltal & Tesfalem Waldyes

May 8th, 2016 Print Print Email Email

The current government in Ethiopia, the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), often claims the multi-national constitutional federalism that it introduced a quarter century ago answered the country’s age-old question – famously known as the ‘national question’ – once and for all.

Ethiopia’s constitution, the government further claims, is multi-foundational by its nature and adequately addresses the politics of recognition and inclusion for Ethiopia’s long marginalized nations; better yet it guarantees the right to self-determination up to secession. States are now autonomous and free from the yolk of a centralized state and the notion of “one country, one people, and one language”, a notion that had violently governed Ethiopia’s oppressed mass for at least a century.

Today’s Ethiopia is a ‘federal democratic republic’ of nine autonomous national regional states: Afar, Amhara, Benishangul-Gumuz, Gambella, Harari, Oromiya, Somali, Southern Nations Nationalities and Peoples Region (SNNPR) and Tigray. All of them home to an incredibly diverse and free people, so the story goes.

For the last two decades, therefore, anyone who questions the accuracy of these narratives is labeled as an outright enemy of this unique polity, a polity born out of its people’s age-old grievances where “unity in diversity” is the order of the day.

Trouble in paradise

But a five month persistent protest by the Oromo, Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group, for whom the inaugural of a multi-national constitutional federalism was a long awaited victory, which started in Nov. 2015 has laid bare the otherwise flawless narrative Ethiopians have believed in for more than two decades. What began as an opposition against a The Addis Abeba Master Plan, which was, by any legal standard, prepared in a clear violation of the fundamental principles of federalism, led to historical questions that the Oromo of a federated Ethiopia continued demanding an answer for, including the questions of national identity, of economic injustice and land ownership as well as a genuine political representation.

However, a look back at just the last eighteen months alone reveals that the Oromo are not the only ones that seem to be haunted by the re-opening of the old wounds that Ethiopians thought were treated two decades ago.

Incidents that resulted in the killings of hundreds, mass arrests and disappearances as well as displacements of thousands of Ethiopians in the hands of the state security apparatus show that the questions of national identity, the urge for self-administration and equitable use of resources (mainly land) and lack of adequate political representation have re-emerged afresh in five out of the nine independent regional states in the federated Ethiopia.

The ever restive Gambella

Home to around 200, 000 people, the Nuer, Agnuak, Apana, Mezhenger, and Komo are the main indigenous peoples of Gambella. But it is also home to other ethnic groups from the country such as the Amhara, Oromo and Tigray. According to a 2007 census, of the total ethnic composition in Gambella the Nuer consists 40%, followed by the Agnuak who make up 27%, Amhara 8%, Oromo 6%, Mezhenger 5.8%, Keffa 4.1%, Mocha 2%, and Tigray 1.6%, as well as other ethnic groups mainly from various regions in Southern Ethiopia who constitute 5.5%.

Unlike the triumphant declaration of a constitutional federalism however, Amharic, which is the mother tongue of neither the Nuers, nor the Agnuaks, is the working language of the State.

Historically, Gambella is a region prone to ethnic conflicts. The 2003 unprecedented massacre of more than 400 Agnuaks in the hands of government security forces and ‘highlanders’, according to the HRW, left Gambella stuck in crisis watch list of several international organizations including the United Nations.

What happened at the end of January 2016 can therefore be easily taken for the usual sporadic skirmishes between the two dominant ethnic groups; it involved both and covered vast areas in the region, touching villages from Abobo to Itang, Gog to Jor, and a refugee camp in Pugindo, as well as a prison cell in the capital, Gamebella town. By the government’s account 14 people, including Gatdet Gony, Deputy Head of the Transport and Road Development Office, were killed in the clash. Several other accounts put the number as high as 50.

The federal government quickly dismissed the cause as a simple confrontation between two men from both tribes, but the cumulative fear by the Agnuaks about the Nuer’s political dominance (which is often alleged to be supported by the federal government) and near absolute control over resources by the Nuer plays a significant role in instigating these conflicts.

Gambella’s small nuisances

While the rest of Ethiopia was welcoming the Ethiopian New Year of 2007 on Sept 11, 2014 with jubilant festivities, Meti, a small town in Godere District in Mezhenger Zone of Gambella was struggling to contain a chaos that besieged the villagers. Around 8 AM that morning a group of men broke into a prison located in Kebele 01 and released several inmates who then went door to door to residences of the ethnic Mezhengers, killing many including women and children, according to charges brought against the perpetrators.
The Mezhenger consider people who came from various parts of the country, mostly from the highland areas of the North and Central Ethiopia and had settled there as ‘highlanders.’ Some of these ‘highlanders’ had lived in the district for decades.
Although the flare ups of many of these conflicts always come in the form of petty individual confrontations between the ethnic Mezhengers and these ‘highlanders’, the fundamental problem is one that Ethiopia’s two decades old constitutional federal dispensation failed to address effectively.

The Mezhenger zone is one of the three zones in Gambella bordering in its southeastern part the Sheka and Bench Maji zones of SNNPR, as well as the Agnuak of Gambella and Illubabor of Oromiya to the north. Endowed with abundant natural resources it is a region where the long arms of the federal government easily tampers with. The area is home to large scale tea plantations owned by foreign companies and fertile lands contracted to both local and foreign companies without much say from the Gambella regional state.
A recent report by Fortune newspaper, a private weekly, revealed that “Nearly 100 commercial farming investors in Gambella are losing thousands of hectares of land because the region leased by mistake lands under federal jurisdiction.” When asked to comment on the issue, Gatluak Tut Kon, president of the Gambella regional state, told the newspaper, “You should talk to the federal government. I wish to give no comment on the case.” For many who believed in the principles of constitutional federalism that Ethiopian officials claim to have instilled, this was no ordinary news headline.

Critics also lament that the demands of the Mezhenger people to want to forcefully evict “highlanders” from their native land comes from the insecurity of resource distribution and a sense of political exclusion. They were always Ethiopia’s marginalized periphery.

Konso, Qucha, Wolkait, Qimant and all that demand

Following the creation by the SNNPR regional state of the Segen Area Peoples Zone in March 2011, the Konso community in the south was staging peaceful protests for the last 10 months. The Konso people fear the creation of the new zone forces them to lose their “right to self-administration and their right to advance their culture, language and national identity, enshrined in the constitution.”
The response from the regional government was similar to the response the federal government often avails to contain similar demands elsewhere: deploying the region’s Special Forces who asnwered the community’s constitutionally legitimate demands with violence.
Although to a lesser extent, the Qucha people, who also reside in the SNNPR regional state, are demanding a similar question: the right to self-administration. Forty elected representatives of the community have come to Addis Abeba at the end of 2014 and have raised the question of national identity and self-rule with the House of Federation.

In the north of Ethiopia the Qimant people in the Amhara regional state, north of Gondar, also demand what the Konsos and Quchas were demanding for years. A recent conflict that flared up in Nov. 2015 between the Qimant people and the regional administration is believed to have resulted in the death of several community members of the Qimant people.

However, contrary to the people of Konso and Qucha, (and rather uncharacteristic of the regime), the Qimant peoples’ demand for self-administration was addressed in March 2015 when the Amhara Regional state granted them a status of nationality and ruled that they can exercise self-administration. According to the ruling, the Qimant have a right for self-administration in 42 Kebeles in the adjacent Armachiho and Chilga Districts. They can also enjoy the full rights of developing their language as well as their culture.

In north western Ethiopia, the simmering question of national identity by the Wolkayit community has recently reached a new peak. In what’s largely believed to be a forceful decision by the federal government, the Wolkayit people are to stay under the Humera Zone of the Tigray regional state. It is a decision that quashed the community’s two decades old demand to join the Amhara regional state, as they identify themselves as Amharas. A few weeks into the protest the people of Wolkayit were paraded in front of the national TV carrying placards that declared all their questions, including their questions of identity, as have been answered once and for all.
But as the bumpy road continues to stretch from the North to the South to the West (and seem to grow by frequency as well as magnitude) the first – and perhaps most uncomfortable – step would be to probe if Ethiopia, where the concept of “unity in diversity” avails itself for all to indulge on an equal footing, was ever born in the first place.
Worry or not worry?

Ezekiel Gebissa, a Professor of History and African Studies at Kettering University, argues that the constitutional federalism the incumbent introduced doesn’t originally belong to it; it dates back to “the Ethiopian student movement” of the early seventies.

Prof. Ezekiel Gebissa

At the pinnacle of the student movement the question of national identity took center stage, especially among the movement’s leaders such as Walelign Mekonnen. Walelign’s prescription of self-administration up to cessation for the politically marginalized became the rallying factor for the would-be guerrilla fighters, who later defeated the Marxist Derg regime, Prof. Ezekiel explains.
Although the Derge tried self-administration based on different regions called ‘autonomous provinces’, it was a system that didn’t save the center from an eventual collapse. With the coming to power in 1991 of the ruling EPRDF, therefore, having constitutional federalism was not an option but a necessity, according to Ezekiel.

Tamrat Kebede, Executive Director of InterAfrica Group, a think tank, agrees. In addition, he sees the country’s journey from an absolute monarchy through military dictatorship to a constitutional federalism as “a quantum jump”. He believes that with the coming into power of the EPRDF questions of national identity and self-determination were put to the test for the first time. Himself a former member of the seventies’ student movement, Tamrat argues that as much as the questions were debated and discussed, the approach was purely theoretical.

Tamrat Kebede

Both Tamrat and Ezekiel find the government’s claims that the current constitutional federalism has answered Ethiopia’s age-old questions as exaggerated.

A careful look at the lingering cases of the Konso, Qucha, Wolkait and Qimant reveal the uncanny similarity each community’s approaches share to put their constitutionally guaranteed demands to the attention of the federal government; they all invoked legal mechanisms enshrined in the structures of the constitutional federalism. “The skeleton of the structure is in place. But putting it into policy is one thing, implementing it is another,” Ezekiel says.

When the Konso people began to protest the demotion of their administrative area from the status of Special District to a mere District, they formed a representative committee to advance their demand for self-administration and managed to collect signatures from more than 5% of the community, well above the constitution’s requirement. The committee then appealed to the Federal House of Federation here in Addis Abeba but the House sent the people (and their questions) back to the regional government.
Similarly the Qucha people, who are currently administered under the Gamo Gofa zone of the SNNPR, say that they are not ethnic Gamos, as the current arrangement dictates; they are their own nationality – Qucha. Qucha District, which is home to the Qucha people, has close to 150, 000 people, according to the 2007 national census.

And a committee gathered to address the question by the Wolkait people has written a letter on December 2015 to the House of Federation demanding proper response to their question of identity. The committee says that the Wolkait’s right to work and learn in their own language as well as their right to promote and advance their culture have been suppressed in the past, including the 20 plus years of the rule by the EPRDF.

But these glitches do not make Tamrat of InterAfrica Group lose faith in the constitutional federalism Ethiopia is following. In his interview with this magazine Tamrat says practicing a complex federal system such as that of Ethiopia’s will “inevitably run into enormous constraints and challenges.” “[such a system] entails decentralization; it is sensitive; it requires capacity, both in human terms and resource terms, which are not all readily available when you launch into such a complex arrangement,” Tamrat said.
Prof Ezekiel shares Tamrat’s view: adjusting the system itself as needed, “requires a careful, thoughtful, deeply concerned implementation” he says. But Ezekiel is critical because that never happened in the last two decades. “The question that brought the very existence of Ethiopia into a country was never fully answered”.

The reason for this, according to Ezekiel, lies in the undemocratic nature of the incumbent. Once in power the EPRDF “thought that they could do whatever they want; they could engineer any outcome; they could muzzle dissent; they could decimate opposition and tell the politically marginalized nationalities on the highland and on the lowland that ‘you have a constitution, your questions have been answered and you have no other question’”.

He believes that the questions raised now in different parts of the country are indeed not “new questions”. “They are the same questions” he told this magazine. However he doesn’t “believe for one minute that questioning the very foundation of the federal arrangement is the answer. It is whether it should be implemented or not.”
Darkness before dawn?

Analysts who follow Ethiopia closely argue that recent incidents happening in all corners of the country: the demands for economic justice, self-administration and national identity are symptoms of a disease far deeper than the current government dares to admit. Tamrat is one of them.

“These signs should force us to question what it is that we are not doing right,” he says, “or why is this structure we have created to precisely avoid these kinds of problems creating these problems? Could it be that we issued rights that are not being exercised? Have we not prepared ourselves for the manner in which they are to be exercised? That could very well be,” he says.
For him the recognitions of the identity and equality of nationalities as well as the rights to exercise self-administration up to the level of cessation manifests “strong rights which demand fair resource sharing, fair political participatory process, needless to say a democratic culture, in the absence of [which] they are bound to erupt.”

Ethiopians’ questions of national identity and the demand for self-rule are re-emerging frequently because they have never been answered in the right way, argues Ezekiel. “Ethiopia is still a one party state” in which not only its marginalized but also a great many are simply excluded from the political process. And it is not just a theoretical exclusion, he said, “it is a totalitarian control of the assets of the state to give permanency to the exclusionary politics that the regime has put in place.”

The ruling party, Ezekiel further said, “uses the state resources to co-opt the military, the security apparatus and the business class” to “create a total hegemony of structure and discourse” and to “emasculate the very constitution it celebrates.” The ruling party also puts an executive manned by “ill-educated party cadres that simply parrot the leaders’ pronouncements without any understanding of the complexities of implementing [federalism] policies.” The trajectory of this direction is one that’s “leading to calamity.”

Ezekiel believes that the disastrous handling by the federal government of almost all of these incidents (such as disarming regional police, intervention without due parliamentary process, committing crimes with an absolute sense of impunity and several other signs showing excessive control of the federal government against these national regional states) show that the party that likes to take total credit for creating Ethiopia’s constitutional federalism is becoming the system’s enemy number one.
Tamrat too shares Ezekiel’s concerns. The government’s ways of handling public resentments, which include the application of excessive force, does not manifest proper and competent handlings.

Campaigners and activists say the recent widespread public protest in Oromiya, which saw the federal army being quickly deployed, left more than 400 killed, twice that number injured, and thousands incarcerated. The federal army roamed many of the streets where protests broke out; and the whereabouts of hundreds of people remains unknown.
Members of the Konso community said that several of their people, including their leader, are incarcerated or have unjustly lost their jobs following their demand for self-rule, although many of them were released since the writing of this story.
According to a December 2015 letter addressed to the House of Federation by a committee gathered to discuss the question of the Wolkait people, there were about 116 people whose whereabouts were unknown because they raised “a question of identity.”
Going to the Qucha community in the South, in January 2015 the Gamo Area High Court has sentenced 27 members of the community to up to 16 years imprisonment for allegedly instigating violence and causing damage on people and properties fourteen months earlier. According to the charges presented against them, they were trying to operate illegally to forcefully obtain a status of nationality for the Qucha community. And to advance their cause, the charges add, they attacked residences of Kebele officials.
For Tamrat, some of the challenges the country is struggling with currently require an expanded political space, “to be debated, to be discussed, to [bring forth] appropriate responses. I see a deficit in that regard,” he says.
The government’s dogmatic obsession with the constitution is another “often overlooked” aspect for Tamrat. For the incumbent, the Constitution is non-debatable, fixed entity, probably because it mistakenly equates “the Constitution for law and order. So whenever it says the constitution [is beyond any discussion], it is actually saying that law and order are [beyond any discussion].”
Yet, the Constitution is an embodiment of a document that entails the compromise of different views and it is not static, argues Tamrat; it could be and should be amended when issues demand so. In fact “there is a provision that stipulates its own amendment” because amendment was “an envisaged process.” Article 104 clearly states the legality of “initiation of Amendments.”
“Any proposal for constitutional amendment, if supported by two-thirds majority vote in the House of Peoples’ Representatives, or by a two-thirds majority vote in the House of the Federation or when one-third of the State Councils of the member States of the Federation (by a majority vote in each Council) have supported it, shall be submitted for discussion and decision to the general public and to those whom the amendment of the Constitution concerns,” the Article reads.
A change towards democracy is a must if the country is to avoid regrettable tragedy, Ezekiel says. “People at the top of the government must know that the status quo is not sustainable”, he argues, “because there is too much discontent, too much dissatisfaction, a lot of desperation, a lot of deprivation,” Ezekiel said, adding that the government must stop listening to the reverberation of its own voices and understand that this is not a sustainable path.
“It should begin by decriminalizing dissent, open up the political space, expunge the draconian laws that are muzzling the press, start from the freedom of the press, release political prisoners. These are the measures the government could take in order to win the good will of the public,” Ezekiel said. “This is not an option, this is an imperative. The window will close sooner or later. But, would the government be able to see that? Well, I always say absolute power dements more than it corrupts.”
No turning back
Several Ethiopian critics of the government assert that the fundamental problem of the recent conflicts that besieged several areas is the constitutional federalism itself. According to these critics, it focuses more on differences than unity. Some fear it may even lead to an eventual disintegration of the country. A return to the old unitary system of administration is an idea whose appeal seems to gain increasing popularity among many Ethiopians. But it is an idea both Tamrat and Ezekiel strongly disagree with.
“The [current] federal arrangement was a response to a historic question of nationalities,” Ezekiel says, “to deny that there is a question of nationalities is to deny the sun rises in the East.” The country, according to him, has tried the unitarists as well as the assimilationists track for decades and it actually led to “proliferation of centrifugal forces”. Thus, “the claim that says we need a unitary state is a flight of fancy that collides with reality.”

Tamrat adds “a unitary government has not yielded the desired, harmonious and peaceful relationship. We can’t go back to a unitary system that’s held by force. We have travelled enough distance in this federal system in which national senses of identities have taken a right recognition and it is this right recognition which is manifesting itself as demands of right.”

But back in the power corridors of the government in Ethiopia exhausting propaganda is being relentlessly produced and aired through state affiliated media claiming that the federal arrangement not only answered the ‘national question’ but also put the burning question of land ownership, and the nation’s quest for self-rule, which saw the previous two regimes toppled by the will of the people, to their final resting place.

But to put Ezekiel’s words in this context, this one too seems “a flight of fancy that collides with reality.”

Source: http://addisstandard.com/analysis-ethiopias-simmering-sores-and-the-re-opening-of-old-wounds/

  1. Gebru
    | #1

    The article missed a key player that began “North” Ethiopia’s ethnic tensions.It is,the TPLF manifesto that clearly states “All Agew. . . people are part of the Greater Tigray. . . “.The Kemant (Qimant) speak Amharic and their way of life is the same with the Amhara. Who opened the so called Kemant office in Mekele and why? why do the Kemant committee openly talks about that their fore fathers migrated from Akaleguzaie and Adigrat 600 years ago to Gondar? when the Amhara were not allowed to have fire arms where and how the Kemant got and are getting weapons from to kill Amharas? why did the article writers didn’t mention about the Erob peoples’ plight in Tigray? why did the writers kept quiet about the Zey people demand for self adminstration in Oromia?

  2. Freedom
    | #2

    1. Ethiopian constitution was written by TPLF and OLF with the aide of foreign nationals. Leaders of the Amhara and more than eighty other ethnic groups in addition to the general public were not involved in the writing of the most important document of a country, the constitution.
    2. The main reasons for writing the constitution are:
    a. To guarantee that TPLF will be in charge of running Ethiopia for a long time. TPLF realize early on going the path of unitary gov will result in their loss of power. Since tigray people compose about 6% of Ethiopian population, if a nationwide election was held as would be required in unitary gov they knew they will lose.
    b. appease OLF since they fought together to overthrow the derg regime and fear of alienating the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia. True to their nature, TPLF dumped OLF as soon as they got a strong foot hold in controlling the gov forcing OLF to take up arms against TPLF.
    Therefore, the current constitution belong in a toilet. All Ethiopians need to come together in order to write a new constitution that can last centuries.
    TO BE CONTINUED.

  3. Dawi
    | #3

    Gerbru – Who the hell are “Zey” people?

    This reminds us of Somali inter-clan rivalries and its meaning of segmentation is captured in an Arab Bedouin saying:

    “My full brother and I against my half-brother, my brother and I against my father, my father’s household against my uncle’s household, our two households (my uncle’s and mine) against the rest of the immediate kin, the immediate kin against non-immediate members of my clan, my clan against other clans, and, finally, my nation and I against the world. In a system of lineage segmentation, one does not have a permanent enemy or a permanent friend — only a permanent context. Depending on the context, a man, a group of men, or even a state may be one’s friends or foes.”

    Very interesting!

  4. Freedom
    | #4

    Continued from prior post
    Ethiopian constitution was written for the interest of TPLF, OLF and to secure a legitimacy, as a democratic government, from foreign powers such as US, EU, United nations, etc.
    TPLF used the constitution to divide the country into ethnic based regions. TPLF made sure that the regions only focused on what is going on in their region and not in the whole country. Since addis abeba, the seat of the federal gov, was not claimed by any ethnic group TPLF decided to rule addis abeba and by extensive the whole Ethiopia.
    OLF was able to secure almost half of Ethiopian land to OROMIA. In addition, the region was allowed to use its own language in gov and education. Moreover, the region gained some political power to run the affairs of the region.
    So, the two authors of the constitution benefited a great deal since they made sure it was crafted to secure their interest only at the expense of all the other Ethiopians. To be sure, TPLF benefited a great deal more than the Oromo people. In fact, the OROMO elite who went to be bed with TPLF in the early 1990s did not think through all the consequences of their decisions in the long term and TPLF’S ambition.

  5. Dawi
    | #5

    Freedom,

    As I tried to point out in another thread you are either giving too much credit or playing zero-sum game politics towards TPLF and OLF. BTW, you forgot EPLF? (Angafaw Ethiopian liberation front?)

    You have some point in saying TPLF used and still uses the “the golden rule”; meaning, those who have the gold rule! :) but, that is only half truth in my opinion.

    Why are you rejecting what the author of the article pointed out in the first place?

    [[..At the pinnacle of the student movement the question of national identity took center stage, especially among the movement’s leaders such as Walelign Mekonnen. Walelign’s prescription of self-administration up to cessation for the politically marginalized became the rallying factor for the would-be guerrilla fighters, who later defeated the Marxist Derg regime, Prof. Ezekiel explains...]]

    Freedom said “..TPLF realize early on going the path of unitary gov will result in their loss of power..”

    The fact is when the time was near to a transitional government time, the “unitary state” has lost all credibility with its leader fleeing to Zimbabwe. So, so much for that.

    Moving forward, as I see it, the closest “centralized” Ethiopian state we shall ever see is probably what we have today under EPRDF’s government.

    Yes, TPLF championed ethnic political organizations as it is a product of ESM; in other words, Walelelign prescription was honored. We should work on improving what we have at hand now. I say Tamrat as quoted in the write up is on the money.

    Tamrat adds “a unitary government has not yielded the desired, harmonious and peaceful relationship. We can’t go back to a unitary system that’s held by force. We have travelled enough distance in this federal system in which national senses of identities have taken a right recognition and it is this right recognition which is manifesting itself as demands of right.”

    It is idiotic to start from scratch again. What for?

  6. kissa
    | #6

    Freedom
    The constitution is one of the best for a multinational country .Unfortunatly in theory.
    The national question is adressed. It is failing or it will fail if not fully implemented.
    Nations and nationalities will start again their liberation fronts to fully exercice their god given rights to self determination.

  7. Tsionawi
    | #7

    DEAR ABUGIDAS
    I SOMETIMES SEE THAT YOU LITTLE OR NO INFORMATION ABOUT E.P.L.F.& ITS
    JUNIOR PARTNER TPLF IN THE CONTEXT OF NORTHERN ETHIOPIAN POLITICS.
    FYI
    1.EPLF has only been symbolically an Eritrea only organization. In its true nature & reality it was an organization for the Liberation of the
    whole Ethiopian state or if not possible settle for the Northern part of
    Ethiopia only-including Tigray, wallo and Gonder in one state region,
    returning the historical legacy and power center of ancient Ethiopian
    empire or kingdom that had been shifted and constantly shifting to the
    southern parts or borders of the country.
    2. EPLF was dominated by Eritrean Liberation only ideologues in its ranks
    at first until 1980, but it has made it clear that its aim is beyond the
    current Eritrean boarders and is a front or force to include Tigray at th
    least and a force that set out to liberate the whole Northern part of the
    current Ethiopian state & changed its name from ELF/PLF into the newname Ethiopian Peoples Liberation Front / EPLF and its party & organizational
    programmes.
    3.For this reason it had to create and embolden another segment into its
    organization if it intends to do so and be successful in its plans , thus
    came the formation of the TPLF as its exapnsion of its organizational and
    party programmes towards its previously less represented southern region
    peoples – the Tigrians both North and south of the Mereb river.
    4. As it does so it had to make a paradigm shift ( moving to the left )
    to accommodate the exodus of new recruits from this eastern and southern
    regions and the issues and sub cultures they brought about with them to
    the originally purely Nationalist center or Right leaning ideological
    path of the organization. In the purpose of accommodating these so many
    recruits and their mass culture or cultural elements the originally centrist EPLF had to make a paradigm shift in the mid 1970′s that held it till about 1987 identifying the Organization as Leftist Liberation
    Front by many foreign observers.
    4. TPLF later dominated by many woyanist/Leftist elements has been alwa-
    ys exceeding its mandate from the parent Org. though it was completely
    autonomous in its Military affairs and operations, sometimes causing
    discomfort in the political circles of the EPLF organization.
    5.The later clash of TPLF with EPLF in the aftermath of 1991 ?
    (will continue……)

  8. Freedom
    | #8

    Professor Ezekiel Gebissa said,
    “The [current] federal arrangement was a response to a historic question of nationalities,” Ezekiel says, “to deny that there is a question of nationalities is to deny the sun rises in the East.”

    The vast majority of Ethiopians do not question the importance of all nationalities. However, the vast majority of Ethiopians have a huge problems with the way the TPLF gov addressed the issue of nationalities. Carving the country into ethic based regions has been a colossal mistake. Writing a constitution, which supposedly addressed the nationality issues, without consulting and discussing with over 95% of Ethiopians makes the whole process not only a tragic mistake but also a criminal act.
    The question of nationalities can only be addressed by a democratically elected government or by a government that garners the support of the vast majority of Ethiopians. The gov of Menilik, Haile Selassie, Mengistu and TPLF all failed to properly and effectively address the nationality issue b/c all of them were/are brutal dictators and undemocratic.

    The good Professor went on,
    “The country, according to him, has tried the unitarists as well as the assimilationists track for decades and it actually led to “proliferation of centrifugal forces”. Thus, “the claim that says we need a unitary state is a flight of fancy that collides with reality.”
    I disagree with you to a large extent. It is true that unitary gov was tried before by successive brutal Ethiopian dictators. The reason it failed was not b/c unitary gov is not good for Ethiopia but rather it was not done the right way due to the incompetence, cluelessness and undemocratic nature of leaders of the time.
    Unitary gov/state definition:
    “Is a state/gov governed as a single power in which the central gov is ultimately supreme and any administrative divisions (sub-national units) exercise only powers that the central gov chooses to delegate.”
    The majority of gov in the world have a unitary system of gov.
    In reality present day Ethiopia is a messed up unitary gov. The central/federal gov in addis, which is almost 100% controlled by TPLF, calls all the shot. The central gov tells regional leaders that they have an autonomy to elect their leaders, write laws, have control of their resources and run their affairs in however way they chose. The reality, they don’t elect their leaders, don’t write laws to gov themselves, don’t control their resources or run their own affairs as evidence in Afar, Somali, Amhara, Omo river vally, Gambella and most recently in OROMO. The constitution is a total farce, empty promise designed to fool Ethiopian people by giving them a false sense of power/autonomy.
    UNITARY GOV UNDER DEMOCRATIC LEADERSHIP IS THE WAY FORWARD. REGIONS WILL BE MULTIETHNIC JUST LIKE ADDIS ABEBA.
    Just think of Ethiopia as composed of the capital city addis abeba, seat of central/federal gov and multiple smaller addis abeba figuratively speaking(due to the lesser diversity of the population in each region when compared to addis abeba). As a person who was born and raised in Addis abeba, I am very comfortable with diversity. Growing up I had friends from every corner of Ethiopia and their ethnicity not only was not a problem but also enriched/enhanced the friendship. In other wards, I cherished the friendship I had with an individual from a different ethnicity than myself.
    Here in good old USA where the good professor and people from the whole world reside, no one is all workedup, concerned and obsessed about nationality issues. People in America are workedup, concerned and obsessed about their constitutional right, freedom in all its aspect accompanied by responsibility, voice in running the country/localities, access to quality education/job, fair wage, access to healthcare, welfare, disability coverage etc. Even though there are over 1000x more diverse nationalities in US than Ethiopia, for the most part people from diverse nationalities work, play, do business, go to school together w/o a significant problem. Why is then a nationality a big issue in Ethiopia? The answer is lack of genuine democracy. The solution, a democratic unitary gov. PERIOD.

    Tamrat adds “a unitary government has not yielded the desired, harmonious and peaceful relationship. We can’t go back to a unitary system that’s held by force. We have travelled enough distance in this federal system in which national senses of identities have taken a right recognition and it is this right recognition which is manifesting itself as demands of right.”
    Ato Tamrat is 110% wrong as explained above or should I say he is making a politically correct statement, since he resides in Ethiopia, in order to appease TPLF and company OR ELSE his ASS will be in jail as soon as I finish typing this sentence.

  9. አዲስ
    | #9

    እዚህ አለም ላይ በሰላም በፈቃድ የተመሰረተ አገር ኮንትኔት አለ?? ዎይም ብሄር ብሄሮች ተጠራርተው አንድ መንግስት ያቋቋሙበት አገር አለ ??? ኢትዮጵያ ብቅርብ ጊዜ ታሪክ ዉስጥ ከምናኛዉም አገር ያላነስ እጂግ ዉድ የሆነ ዋጋ ከፍላ ብዙ የዉስጥ ሪፎርም አካሂዳለች :: ግን ፕሮምሌሙ እየተባባሰ ነው የሄደው እንጂ መፍትሄ አላመጣም :: አንዱም ሪፎርም ለህብረተሰቡ መልካም ፍሬ አላፈራም :: እንግዲህ ከዚህ በፊት የተካሄዱት ሪፎርሞች በሙሉ ዎይ ስህተት ነበሩ : ዎይ ደሞ ምን እንደሆነ አይታዎቅም ::
    ከዚህ በተጨማሪ ከዋናው አርቲክል ዎጣ ብየ ስሞኑን እንዲሁም አልፎ አልፎ ስለ ግእዝ እና አማርኛ የጽሁፍ ባህሎች ላይ ስለ ሚሰነዘርው : በሪፎርም ሽፋን ስለ እሚደርገው ጥፋት ጥቂት አስተያየት ልሰንዝር :: የ ግእዝ እና አማርኛ ፊደል : ማለት ከግእዝ ዉስጥ ለዎጡ ቋንቋዎች ከፊደል የበለጠ የሚስማማቸው የጽሁፍ ስራአት አለም ላይ የለም ::የግእዝ እና የአማርኛ ፊደል ለኛ ቋንቋ perfect ነው ከ perfectትነቱም አልፎ over perfect ነው :: ዘምናዊ አበሻ ተማርኩ በሚል ግብዝና ከእግር እስተ ራሱ የተዎጠረ ስልሆነ ምስጢሩን ዉበቱን ስለማያውቀው ስለ እማይገባው ይህን ድንቅ ባህል የናቴ መቀነት አሰናከልኝ በሚል ሰበብ ሊያጠፋው ዳር ዳር ይላል :: ለማጥፋትም ምክንያት የሚያቀርበው ለቴክኖልጂ
    አስቸጋሪ ነው ይላል :: በውነቱ ፊደል ከቻይን እና ከታይላንድ ከህንድ ቋንቋዎች ቅርጹ አስቸጋሪ ነው ? ደሞስ ማርስ ላይ መንኮራኩር የሚልኩ ሰዎች ባሉበት እና ከዛም በናኖ ቴክኖልጂ ዘመን የግእዝን ፊደል ኮንፒውተር መቅረጽ ያቅተውል ? ቻይናዎች የመፍጠር የማሰብ ሰነፍ እንዲሁም እንደኛ ደንቆሮ ስለአልሆኑ ቺግሩን ድሮ ገና አቃለዉታል :: የኛ ተማርኩ ባዮች ቀላሉን መንገድ መርጠው : ምን አለ ሌላው ተጨንቆ የፈጠረው ፊደል አለ እሱን እንውሰድ የራሳቺን እንጣል ብለው ያስባሉ ::
    ፊደልን ለማጥፋት የተነሱ ሁለት ዎገኖች አሉ :: አንደኛው ድንገት እንደ አጋጣሚ እዛ አገር የተዎለደ ምንም አየንት የመንፈስ
    ዎይም የባህል ህይዎት የሌለቸው ፕሪሚቲቭ አገር ዉስጥ የበቀሉ የተዎረዎሩ ድንጋዮች ናቸው :: ሁለተኞቹ ደሞ ጭለማ ዉስጥ ሆነው ድንጋይ የሚዎረዉሩ ዎገኖች ናቸው ::
    የአማርኛ ፊደል የሚጀምረው በ ሀ ነው : ምክንያቱም ሀ የ እስትንፋስ ምልክት ስልሆነ ነው :ቋንቋ ደሞ እናቱ እስትንፋስ ነች ::ከቅርብ ጊዜ ዎዲህ የትግሪኛን እና የአማርኛን ቋንቋ በ ፐ ሊጀምሩት ፊደሉን አዘበራቀው አዲስ ፊደል አዉጥተዋል :: በ ፕ የሚጀምር ግስ ዎይም ቃል በአማርኛም በትግሪኛም የለም ግስ እና ቃል በሌለው ሆህያት እንዴት መጀመር ይቻላል መስርተ ቢስ ማለት ይህ ነው ::ትግሪኛ ተናጋሪዎች በቋንቋቸው ላይ የፈልጉትን ማድርግ ይቺላሉ : በአማርኛ ቋንቋ ላይ ምንም አይነት መብት የላቸውም ::

  10. ዘረ-ያዕቖብ ወ.ግ.ዓ.ም-ፅዮንThe Eth.
    | #10

    DEAR ABUGIDAS,

    ጠቅላላን የኢትዮጵያን ቋንቋዎችን, ማለትም ከኩናማ ጀምሮ እስከ ሱማሌን እንደ የሃገሪቱ ባለ እኩል መብቶች(ቢያንስ የእንግሊዘኛን ያህል,Ha…Ha… ግን አደራ, “ሰማይ-ሰማይ ይትረፍክን እሞ ምድሪ-ምድሪ ይባርኸልከን” ብላችሁ ሳትሳለቁብን) አድርጎ መቀበልን እንደ ልምድ ውሰዱትና, የሚቀጥለውን ከአንድ ሶስት ሳምንታት በፊት ውድቅ ያደረጋችሁትን አባባሌን ተቀብላችሁ ለአንባብያን ብታስተናግዱ በይዘት ከእንደነ ከላይ ቁጥር 7 ጋራ ሊሰለፍ ይቻለዋልና!

    እነሆ አባባሉ በፊት እንደተላከው ሳይጨመርበትና ሳይቀነስበት እንደሚከተለው:

    “The አቡጊዳዎች፣
    እዝያ porno „web—„ ዘንዳ አንዱ የሆነ ያልሆነውን ሲቀባጥር ስላየሁኝና፣ የግዴታ መልስ መጠት አስፈላጊ ሆኖ ስለታየኝም፣ ግን ምናልባትም ሰውየው እድሜው እስከ ሰላሳ ዓመታት ድረስ አካባቢ ከሆነ፣ ትግርኛ እንጂ አማርኛ ለማንበብ ስለማይችል፣ የግዴታ ግን ጉዳዩ ይገባው ዘንዳ አስፈላጊነት ስላለው፣ በሚገባው ቛንቛና „ሎጂክ“ ጽፌለታለሁኝና እባካችሁን በድረገፃችሁ በማቅረብ ያነበው ዘንዳ ተባበሩኝ፣ ለምታደርጉት ትብብር በቅድሚያ ምስጋናዬ እና አድናቆቴ ይድረሳችሁ!

    • ሓሳዊን ወሽሊኹ በልዐ „ማህደረ“(„Ethiopia, Somaliland Sign Accord to Boost Use of Berbera Port (Bloomberg)“)
    ምናልባት‘ውን „ethnic battleground”‘ኻ እንተተፈጠረስ ግና‘ኸስ ናትካ ዓሌት ዝፃወቶ ግደ ኣይክነብሮን እዩ!
    ናባና ንኽትፅጋዕ እንተኾንካ ድኣ‘ምበር! ካብኡ ተበጊስካ‘ውን ኢኻ ሎሚ ኣሕዋት‘ዶስ እንታይ‘ዶስ ጎረቤት‘ዶስ እትብል ዘሎኻ እምበር ቀደም ድኣ በኸሰላ ሸነኽ ንዝጠመየ ህዝብና ክንቅልብ ብማለት እኽሊ ንምእታው ብንፍትነሉ እዋናት‘ዶ ምስቲኦም ሎሚ ክልተ ኹሊትካ ኣሕዲጎም ብኣሽሓት ንኽሸጥዎ ኣብ ኣምብላንሶም ዘእትዉን ግን ንሬሳኻ ንኣራዊት ዝድብሩዩኻን ተማኺርካ‘ዶ መንገዲ ኣይዓፀኻን!
    - ናይ ኣስገደ „ጋህዲ“ ከምዝሕብሮ፣ ኣስገደ መንእሰይ ናይ ሃይለስላሴ ፓራሹት ወትሃደር ብዝነበረሉ እዋናትን ናይ ጀብሃ ዋና ኸተማታት ብዓል ቃሂራን ካልኦት ናይ ኣዕራብ ዋና ኸተማታት ብዝነበራሉን ናይ ጦር ኣፅዋር ድማ ካብዚአን ናይ ኣዕራብ ዋና ኸተማታት ብዝውሕጀልኩም እዋናት፣ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ ንኽርስትያናት ተጋሩ ብዓል ኢሳያስ ወዲ ራእሲ ሓጎስ (ወዲ ሓዎም ንሃፀይ ዮሃንስ፣ እምነ ፅዮኖም ተደሪኾም ንጉሰ ፅዮን፣ ንጉሰ ነገስት ዘኢትዮጵያ) ኣብ ጀብሃ ኣስሪጉስ ንጀብሃን ከምኡ‘ውን ንማይናን ሓመድናን ንዝንጃሕጀሕሎም ኣዕራብ ከዳኽም ይፍትን:: ብዓል ኢሳያስ ግና ብዕለት ፋሲካ ኣሕዋቶም ደቂ ኽርስቲያን ብጨካናት ኣስላም ክሕረዱ ምስርኣዩ ካብ እንዳ ጀብሃ ክንፀሉን ናይ ባዕሎም ውድበ EPLF ንኽምስርቱን ግዴታ ይኸውን:: ድሕሪኡ ሻዕቢያ ምስ ጀብሃ እምበር ንብዙህ እዋናት ኣንፃር ኢትዮጵያ ኣይትትሓናነቕን ነይራ:: „ሕድ-ሕድ ጦርነት“ ናይ ጀብሃን ናይ ሻዕቢያን እዩ ይካረር ዝነበረ:: መእንታን ሻዕቢያ ኣንፃር ኢትዮጵያ ንክትመስል ብዓል ኣስገደ ወትሃደራት ኢትዮጵያ ክውል ኢሎም ብምትሕብባር ኣብ ብዓል ኣስመራ ባንክታት ኢትዮጵያ ንኽትዘርፉ ይሕልዉዎም ነሮም(ተመልከት ዓይነ ምስክር ብቲ እዋን‘ቱይ ወጣት ናይ ሃይለስላሴ ፓራሹት ወትሃደር ኣስገደ ገረህላሰ! ኣብ ፅሑፉ ጋህዲ ከምዝገልፆ!) ስለዝኾነ‘ድማ በቱይ ኾነ በዙይ ንሕና ብባዕልና ኢና፣ just a kind of እንዳ ደጃት ገረህላሰን እንዳ ራእሲ ስዩም ነገር ዓይነት እዩ ናይ ህወሓትን ሻዕቢያን ነገር፣ ማለትስ ናይ ስልጣን ሽሚያ እምበር ናይ ዓሌት ነገር ኣይምስኮነን ነይሩ መወዳእትኡ!
    - ብርግፅ ብመወዳእትኡ ናይ ሃይለስላሴ ካብ ስልጣን ምውዳቕን ናይ ኢትዮጵያ ናብ ናይ ሻቡ ምስራቓዊ ዓለም ምሽራውን ናይ ብዓል ኣሜሪካ ኣንፃር ኢትዮጵያ ምኻንን ንነገራት ኩሉ ከም ዝለወጦ ኹላትና ተዓዝብና ኢና! ብድሕሪኡ ሻዕቢያ‘ውን ኣንፃር ኢትዮጵያ ትኸውን እሞ ዋላኻ ኢሳያስ ቻይና ኹሉ በፂሑን ወተሃደራዊ ታዕሊም ተዋሂብዎ ዝነበረ እንተኾነስ ኹልና ንዓለም ከም እንፈልጣ ኣሜሪካ ንኽትሓቕፎን ብዓልል ጀርመን ኩሉ ከይተረፋ ብግሩነ‘ዶ ምንትሴ ኣሳቢቦም ከምቲ ዝበለፀ ናይ ዓለም ጀግና ንኽገብሩዎ ኣየፀገመን:: ፍረ ነገሩ ናቱ ጀግንነት ደልዮም ከይኮኑስ ንሶቭየት ራሻ ዘጥቕዕሉ ሸነኽ ብምርኻቡ እዩ! ዓንሰብ the slave mentality‘ውን ብብዝሓት ናብ ሻዕቢያ ይውሕጅ ጀመረ‘ሞ በቲ ጎድፍ ኣፉ፣ ናይ ኢሳያስ እንታይነት ከይፈለጠ ንተጋሩ ምንቁሻሽ ጥራሕ ይቕድሞ ኾነ፣ ስልጣን ፈታዊ ኢሳያስ‘ውን ክንዲ ግደፉ ከምኡ ኣይብሃልን ማለትስ፣ ጭራሽ ዓንሰብ ክሳብ መወዳእቱ ወዲ ወርቂ ማህፀን እንዳበለ እሽሩሩ ዝብሎ መሲልዎስ ንመላ ዓንሰብ በቲ ካብ ግዝኣት ባዕዳ ዝተቐበሎ ረሳሕ ኣፉ የነሃህሮን የሟምቖን ጀመረ‘ሞ ብመላ ዓለም ረሰሓት እንዳ ሻዕቢያ ምድሪ ኣይትኽኣልና ኾነ ፈኸራ::
    - በዚ ኹናተ‘ዙይ ህወሓት ትውለድ እሞ፣ መላ ደቂ ዓድዋ ኣሕዋትከ ኣበይ ኣለውና፣ ካመን ከስ ሓገዝ ንረክብ ይኸውን ኢሎም የሰላስሉ! ምስ ደቂ ተንቤን ብዓል ኢሳያስ‘ውን እህን-ምህን ንኽብሃሃሉ ይፍትኑ! ብዓል ኢሳያስ ግና ናይ መንነቶም ምሕባእን ዝመሰለ ነገራት ስለዘይተስኣኖም ጭራሽ ብናቱ ኣፍ „እፈልጠን እኮ እየ ዘን‘ዓጋመ እዚአን!“ ዝብል ናይ ዝልፍያ ነገራት ይፍጠር እሞ እንዳ ተዛለፍካን እንዳ ተሸዋወድካን ጎኒ ንጎኒ ናብራ ይጅመር! ከምኡ‘ውን ኮይኑ ኣብ መጀመርታ እዋናት „ሓይሊታት ኤርትራ“ ንተወላዲት ወያነ ክጥቀማላ ብማለት ሓደ ትሽዓተ ዝኾና ጠመንጃታት ሂበን እየን ይመስለኒ! ብኸምዙይ ከምዘይኸውን ወያነ ምስርኣየት፣ ወያነ ካብ ደርጊ መንጢካ ትዓጠቕ ዝብል ጭርሖ ተውፅእ እሞ ድሕሪ ቁሩብ እዋናት እቲኣ ዝሓየለት ናይ ኢትዮጵያ ዕጥቕቲ ሓይሊ ንምዃን ትበቕዕ (እቲኦም ነዚ ወትሃደራዊ ፖለቲካ ዘካይዱ ዝነበሩ መብዛሕቶም ኣብ ዓለም ተዘርጊሖም ስለ ዝርከቡ ዘለዉ ነዚ ኣብሃህላይ ከረገግፁልና ይኽእሉ እዮም፣ እቲ ሽግር ግን እቲኦም ነዚ ኹሉ ብተግባር ዘሕለፉ ነጋ-ጠባ ክደጋግምዎ ስለዘይደልዩን ኣብ ለተቀማጭ ሰማይ ቅርቡ ነው ዓለም ስለዘይርከቡስ ንዘይነበርና ገዲፈምዎ ምኻኑ እዩ!)
    - ዝኾነ ኾይኑ ግና ንጀብሃ‘ውን ህወሓት ከብ እምባሶይራ ጀሚርካ ክሳብ ኣቖርዳት ገፋፊጥካ ኣብ ምድሪ ሱዳን ጃሕ ኣቢላ ትብትና፣ ብድሕሪኡ ሓዳር ጀብሃ ያው ኣብ መላ ዓዲታት ዓረብ መኾስተር ሒዝካ ጎንባሕ-ጎንባሕ ኾነ
    - ድርጊ‘ውን ንሻዕቢያ ኣብ ጉድጓድ ናቕፋ ይሓፅራ እሞ ብጥምየት ንኽትሃልቕ ይውስነላ፣ ፀሎተ ሻዕቢያ ድማ በጃኺያ ወያነ ኣድሕንኒ ካብ ጉድጓድ ኣውፅእኒ ኾነ፣ ብህወሓት ተኣዚዙስ ምዓት ቖልዓ ትግራይ ድማ ተዋዲቑን ቁጥር የለሽ ደቂ ትግራይ ተሰዊኦምን ንደርጊ ሰጉጎምን ንሻዕቢያ ካብ ጉጓድ የውፅእዋ!
    - ውለታ ዝብሃል ዘይትፈልጥ ሻዕቢያ ግን ህዝቢ ትግራይ ደርጊ ብዘውጠንጠኖ ጥምየት ንኽሃልቕ ምስተፈረዶ፣ ሻዕቢያ‘ውን ምእ ንታን እኽሊ ንትግራይ ከይበፅሕስ መንገዲ ኸሰላ ዓፃዊት ኮይና ትርከብ
    - ካሊእ መንገዲ ተዃዒቱ እኽሊ ናብ ተንቤንን ይሓን ክሳብ ዝበፅሕ ብዙሓት ደቂ ሓትኖ ዘይሓውያንን ደቂ ሓወቦ ዘተንቤናዊያንን ንኢሳያስ ብጥምየት ረገፉ! ኢሳያስ እዙይ ኩሉ ክኸውን እንተሎ መንነቱ ምስ ሓብአን „እፈልጠን እኮ እየ ዘን …ብምባል እንዳፈከረ እኒሀ“
    - ከም ዘይሕለፍ የለን እዙይ‘ውን ሓለፈ! ወያነ‘ውን ብዝበለፀ እንዳሓየለ መፅአ! ብዝሓየልካ መጠን ድማ ሕንክርክር‘ውን ስለዘይጠፍእ፣ብኸምዙይ እንዳቐፀለ እንዳሃለወ ኣብ ውሽጢ ወያነ ሕንክርክር ይመፅእ እሞ እቲኦም ወተሃደራዊን ፖለቲካዊን ኣመራርሓ ዝነበሮም ቦትኦም ይስእኑ፣ ባንዳታት ብዓል መለስ‘ውን ናይ ህወሓት ስልጣነ ቁንጮ ይኾኑ!
    - ሓንቲ ዘይትካሓድ ነገር፣ (ኣይተ ስብሓት እኳ ነቲ ገንዘብ ድኣ ክቆፃፀሮ ኣለኒ እምበር፣ እቲ ስልጣንስ ናበይ ከይኸይድ ብሃላይ እዩ!) ጭንጋፌ ሃርገፍገፍ ወዲ ባንዳ መለስ ግና ብርግፅ ንኢሳያስ „ሰሎሞናዊ“ እዩ እሞ ምሳና ከም ኢትዮጵያዊ ናብ አዲስ አበባ እንድሕር መፂኡስ ንግስና ንዓይ እዩ ዝግብኣኒ ከይብል ስለ ዝፈርሖ ምስ ግንባር ውዓግ ኤርትርኡ „ናፃ“ ክወፅኣሉ ስለዝደልዮ፣ ኢሳያስ ብዛዕባ ናይ ነፃነት ጉዳይ እእ-ምእ ማለት እንተጀመረስ፣ የለን ሓንሳብ ናፅነት ኢልካ ኢኻሞ፣ በቃ ነፃ ክትወፅ ኢኻ ይብሎ፣ ካብኡ ብዝተበገሰ ጉዳይ‘ውን እዩ ዝግብኦን ዘይግብኦን ሂቡ፣ ኣዶሊስናን ካልኦት ግዝኣታትና‘ውን ዘስኣነና፣ In this case, he, that Meles ist the second Menelik the Ankober.
    - ወተሃደራዊ ተግባራት‘ውን ይቕጽልሞ ወያነ መቐለ ትኣቱ ንፍርቂ ኢትዮጵያ‘ውን ትቆጻጸር፣ ደርጊ‘ውን ርሃፅ-ርሃፅ ክብሎ ይጅምር፣ ወያነን ሻዕቢያን‘ውን ተኾራሪፈን ከምዘለዋ ደርጊ ይፈልጥ ኣሎ::
    - ደርጊ ተጣቢቡ እንተገደፈስ ምስ ሻዕቢያ ኮርስፖንደስ ይለዋወጥ እሞ፣ ንወያነ ንሱ ብደቡብ ሻዕቢያ ድማ ብሰሜን ኮይኖም ክጭፍልቕዋ ይረዳድኦ፣ ሻዕቢያ‘ውን ሕራይ ብሃሊት ኮይና ትርከብ
    - እዙይ ዝትዓዘበት ወያነ ጦርነት ለብ-ለብ ተብል እሞ ክሳብ ኣንቦታት በፂሓስ ንደርጊ ትኸብብ እሞ፣ ንሻዕቢያ ድማ ካብ ተኸቢቡ ምስ ዝርከድ ደርጊ ምምስጣርስ ምስ ወያነ ተጓዒዝካ አዲስ አበባ ምእታውን ብቡን ኤክስፖርትነት ካብቶም ናይ ዓለም ቀዳሞት ምኻን ዝሓየሸ ከም ዝኾነ ትሕብሮ፣ ሲንጋፖር ክኸውን እየ ብሃላይ ሻዕቢያ‘ውን እኒ ብዓል ወተሃደራት ደርጊን ብዓል ኦነግን ምስተሰጎጉ ንዕዑ እንታይ ከምዝፅበዮ ከይሓሰበሉ ሕራይ ብሃላይ ይኸውን እሞ ሓቢሩ ንኢትዮጵያ ምስ ታንክታቱ ይጉተት! ካልኦት ሓይሊታት ክሳብ ተኾስቲሮም ዝስጎጉ‘ውን ንብረት ናይ ኢትዮጵያ ይዝሕቕ፣ ኣስጊኢ ክኾኑ ዝኽእሉ ሓይሊታት ኢትዮጵያ‘ውን ኩሎም ይስበሩ እሞ ሸዕቢያ‘ውን ንዓዱ ንኽኸይድ ይንገሮ፣ እዙይ ምስሰምዐ ሻዕቢያ ኣካኪ ዘረፍ ማለት ድማ ጀመረ፣ ምስ ብዓል የመን ኹሉ ከይተረፈ ተብኣሰሞ ከጥፍእዎ ተቐራረቡ፣ ወያነ‘ውን ጎይያ ብምብፃሕ ኣድሓነቶ፣ ክንድዘመስግንስ ናብ ኢትዮጵያ ገፁ‘ውን ጦር ከፈተ፣ ባድመ ተብሃለ፣ ብዓል ኮሎኔል በርሀ „ሻዕቢያ‘ውን“ ባረንቱ በፂሖም ኣስመራ ክንኣቱ ኢና በሉ፣ እዙይ ዝተረድአ ኢሳያስ ኣስመራ ገዲፉ ንናቕፋ ንኽሃድም ኣቑሑቱ ጠራነፈ፣ ካብኡ ብዝበለፀ ግና መለስ ወዲ ኣስረስ ፍርሓት-ፍርሓት በሎሞ ኣስመራ እንድሕርኣቲናስ ዓለም ክትወግኣና እያሞ ኣይንእቶ ተመለሰ ኮሎኔል በርሀ ብሃላይ ኮነ
    - ኮሎኔል ወዲ ትግራይ‘ውን ተመለሰ፣ ናይ ጀግንነት ዋግኡ ብሂይወቱ እንዳሃለወ ክንዲ ሓወልቲ ጠጠው ክብለሉ ዝግብኦስ ብዓል መለስ ከምቶም ቀዳሞት ብዓል ሓየሎም ብሻዕቢያ‘ውያን ኣሳሲናት ተገይሩ ምስ ብርኽቲ ብዓልቲ ቤቱ ኣቕተልዎ
    - ኢሳያስ‘ውን ካብ ህድማ ድሓነሞ ጭራሽ ኢትዮጵያ ናብ ብዓል ኣልጀርስዶ ዴን ሃግ ተጎተተት፣ ወሽላኻት መሕበርቲ መኾሳት ብ ዓል ስዩም መስፍንውን ውሽለኹ ሓሰዉ
    - ግን ከስ ቁሩብ‘ውን ከይቀነና ኣብ ኣስመራ ጉድ ተፈጠረ፣ ሰላሳ ዓመታት ሙሉእ ወዲ ወርቂ ማህፀን ከምዘይተባህለስ ንኢሳያስኒስ ኣንታ ዓጋመ ምዓዝ ኢኻ ዓድኻ እትኸይድ፣ ኤርትራኸስ ምዓዝ ይመስለካ ብኤርትራዊ እትምራሕ ተባህለ፣
    - ተገልቢጡኒ ከምዝብሃሎ ጉዳይ ነገራት ኮነ ማለት እዩ፣ ምስ ዓጋመ ዝብሃል ነገር ከየተሓሓዙ ከም ሙሶሉኒ ንቑልቁል ኣፉ እንተዝሰቕልዎ ምመረፀ ነይሩ ወዲ ኣፎም፣ ግን ንሳቶም ኣይናይ ብዝበለፀ ከምዘሕምሞ ስለዝፈለጡ ምድረ ዓንሰብ ተኣኻኺቦም፣ ኣንተ ዓጋመ በልዎሞ፣ ሰብኣይ ድማ ምሃዘ….! ከመይ ገይሩ ሕንኡ ከምዝፈዲ ኣውጠንጠነ! ክልተ ሓሳባት‘ውን መፅኣሉ! ወይዘሮ ሮተ ሃይዲ (Rote Heidi) ኣብ በርሊን ሚኒስተር ብዝነበረትሉ እዋናት ብትሕቲኣ ብዝነበራ ግሩነ እንታይዶስ ከመይዶስ ነገራት ገይርካ ገንዘብ በፂሕዎ ነይሩስ፣ በቲ ገንዘብ ንሱ ገይሩ ነቲኦም ሰላሳ አመታት ደድሕሪኡ ዝጎዩ ዝነበሩን ሕጂ ግና ዓጋመ ብሃልቲ ኣንስብስታት ዒራ-ዒሮ ኩዓተሎምን፣ ኣብኡ‘ውን ኣእተዎም፣ ንናእሽቱ ዓንሰብስ ድማ ንግብፂ-ሲናይ ከምዝሸግሩ እሞ ኣብኡ ኹሊቶም ከምዝስእኑ ተጣበበሎም:: ኣፍካ ዘይምእካብ ዘየምፅኦ ጣጣ የለን፣ እንሆኸስ እዙይ ንሕስያ ዘየብሉ ሕነ ምፍዳይ ክሳብ ሕጂ‘ውን ምስ ቀፀለ እዩ ዝኒሀሞ ኣይተ ማህደረ ቅድሚ ካሊእ ነገራት ምዛራብካ ነዙይ ናይ ሻዕቢያኻ ትራጀዲን ኮመዲን ተረዲእኻስ ንስሃ እንዶግዳ እቶ!
    - ካብዚ ኹሉ ዓመታት ውጣ-ውረድ ምናልባሽ ናይ ኢሳያስ ዓወት ሓንቲ እያ፣ ብርግፅ ምንሊክ ንጉስ ሃይለመለኮት ካብ ባርየኦም ዝወለድዎ እዩ፣ I fit is true, ደጃዝማች ከበደ ምንሊክ ካብ ባርየኦም ዝወለድዎም እንተድኣኾይኖምስ፣ መንግስቱ ድማ ደጃዝማች ከበደ ካብ ባርይኦም ዝወለድዎ እንተድኣኾይኑ፣ then, ንመንግስቱ ምስ ወያነ ሓቢሩ ብምስጓጉ ብሓንቲ ወንጪፍ ክልተ ሕኒኡ ፈድዩ እዩ፣ ነታ ምንሊክ ነባሕጉኡ ንጉሰ ፅዮን ብድሕሪት ኮይኑ ብናይ ወሎ ኣስላም ገይሩ ዘቑሰሎምን፣ ነቲኣ ምንሊክ ንወዲ ሓወብኡ መንገሻ ዮሃንስ፣ ቓል ራእሲ መኮንን ረጊፁ፣ ኣብ ኢዱ ሞቒሕ ዘእተወሉን! ማለት‘ውን slave mentality ካብ ምድረ ፅዮን-ኢትዮጵያ ንኽጠፍእስ ኣስተዋፅኦ ኣለዎ ማለት እዩ! ኣብ ኤርትራ ጥራሕ slave mentality ንኸጥፍእ ኣይተሳኸዐሉን! ስለዝኾነ‘ውንዩ ንሰብ ዘጥፍእ ዘሎ!
    - ካልኣይ ድማ ናትካ እዩ ናትካ ዝኸውን እምበር ዘይናትካ ኣይኾነካንዩ ዝብሃል ቁም ነገር ብመወዳእታ ተረዲእዎስ በዚ እዋን‘ዙይ ዘይትግራዋይ ንማንም ካሊእ ሰብ ኣይኣምንን ኣብ ጥቑኡ‘ውን ኣየቕርብን! The ዓሌተ ዓዋተ ወምንቲሴ ብሩሑቑ ከለው ጥራሕ እዩ ንኸገልግልዎ ዝጥቀመሎም! ትምህርት እድሜን አይወስንም ይሉሃል እንዲህ ነች፣ Ha..Ha..Ha…!

    - መአረምታታት,
    - ብ ዓል = ብዓል
    መስፍንውን ውሽለኹ = መስፍን’ውን ወሽለኹ
    I fit is true = If it is true “

  11. Dawi
    | #11

    Freedom said:

    [[..Here in good old USA where the good professor and people from the whole world reside, no one is all workedup, concerned and obsessed about nationality issues. ........ Even though there are over 1000x more diverse nationalities in US than Ethiopia..... Why is then a nationality a big issue in Ethiopia? The answer is lack of genuine democracy. The solution, a democratic unitary gov. PERIOD...]]

    It is very amusing that you are giving a simple answer to a complicated national question however, if you try to read some US history you won’t dare come out here with such none sense; the Democracy here in US that started in 1776 was built on ethnic cleansing of the Native Americans and the US Constitution was drafted by Thomas Jefferson who was a slave owner himself in the first place.

    It was just recently, 1960/70s that people rose up and changed America for the better and they still have a long way to go; since then you, I and the likes you talked about were allowed to come in this country and even attend college.

    Given that then, I have to say TPLF/EPRDF who wrote the Constitution using Walelelign’s prescription as a base were way ahead of you and your friends. It was a good start is what I am trying to say.

  12. Taazabiw
    | #12

    You Ethiopians are so confused or else illiterate to
    call the present Ethiopian state configuration and
    and political administrative system FEDERAL. It is
    only meant to be decentralized administrative system.
    And I do not know who told you it is or to call it a
    FEDERAL system of state and administrative system ?
    A federal system is different which people are yet
    waiting to see it implemented and has nothing to do
    with the present unitary decentralized system except
    is some minor ways.
    So all you ! please sober up from your hallucinations
    and exited states and understand the status and reality
    the country and its politics is at.
    You have been badly bullied to think as if Ethiopian
    political reality has reached the status of those
    developed countries. You are just and had only been serving
    the tplf/eprdf propaganda machine or political objectives of
    bullying the people and the masses by presenting yourself as
    pack animals are used for transportation goods and people in
    the rural or countryside or may be like trucks for hauling
    goods in the cities of the country. THINK ABOUT IT !

  13. Gebru
    | #13

    Dawi are you trying to openly reject the Zey people whose homeland since millenia is Zuwaye? Even the lake is named after them,i’m sure a smart guy like you, knows very well.

  14. ዘረ-ያዕቖብ ወ.ግ.ዓ.ም-ፅዮንThe Eth.
    | #14

    DEAR ABUGIDAS,

    ይበልከስ……………..!
    እንዲህ ነው ድረገጽ ብሎ!ግድየላችሁም, መላ የኢትዮጵያ ህዝቦች ውለታችሁን አንድ ቀን ይከፍልዋችኋል!

  15. Dawi
    | #15

    Sorry Grbru – It wasn’t meant to reject anyone.

    At first, I never heard of “Zey” but, did learn a bit about them, that they are about 5,000 people in an island etc, but, still went ahead to comment using my first reaction towards the subject matter because it reminded me of inter-clan-rivalry of Somalia.

  16. Gebru
    | #16

    Dawi,Thank you.

  17. Freedom
    | #17

    Dawi said,
    “It is very amusing that you are giving a simple answer to a complicated national question however, if you try to read some US history you won’t dare come out here with such none sense; the Democracy here in US that started in 1776 was built on ethnic cleansing of the Native Americans and the US Constitution was drafted by Thomas Jefferson who was a slave owner himself in the first place.”
    I am sure you heard of the saying, “Keep it simple stupid.”
    We have to strive to simplify life and situations as much as possible. For example, after flushing the current ethio constitution in toilet, the new constitution has to be written in a layman language that can be understood by a person with a 4-6th grade education. We want close to 100% of Ethiopians to read and understand it so that they are able to participate intellectually and enthusiastically. Only 0.00000000000001 percent of Ethiopians have read the current purposely complication and confusing fake constitution.
    With regards to US history you forgot the big one, the African slave trade.
    The evolution of Democracy in US had and continues to have lots of growing pain, up and down, numerous mistakes and successes. There is no perfect gov in the world. However, all gov ought to aim for perfection. Every country has its own problems. That is the fact of life. Usa’s historical problem does not give the ethio gov an excuse to mess up big time.

    It was just recently, 1960/70s that people rose up and changed America for the better and they still have a long way to go; since then you, I and the likes you talked about were allowed to come in this country and even attend college.

    Given that then, I have to say TPLF/EPRDF who wrote the Constitution using Walelelign’s prescription as a base were way ahead of you and your friends. It was a good start is what I am trying to say.

  18. Freedom
    | #18

    Continued from my response to dawi #11.
    On my last post I included, BY MISTAKE, the following statement from at Dawi.
    “It was just recently, 1960/70s that people rose up and changed America for the better and they still have a long way to go; since then you, I and the likes you talked about were allowed to come in this country and even attend college.

    The struggle for equality of all races has been going on in the land of the free and home of the brave, USA, ever since the Europeans migrated to America in the Early 1600. Soon after the US civil war 1860-1865, African American were represented well in state legislators during reconstruction era, 1865-1877. For example, state of Louisiana in 1867 with a population of 50% white and 50% African american had 44 (55%) African American legislators as opposed to 36 (45%) whites. In 2012 the same state has a population of 32% African American and 62% white. Even though African American represented 32% of Louisiana population in 2015, they only represented 22% of state legislators. Across usa, 8.5% of state legislators in 2008 are African Americans. Whereas in 1867, 27% of state legislators were African Americans.
    So, progress of African americans in particular and other minorities in general did not start in 1960s. It has been going on since 1600 with years of great success followed by years of failure. The struggle for sure keeps going on and on and on and on.
    Until the 1970s, most African immigrants including those from Ethiopia came to US for education, usually sent by their gov. After completing their education, over 99% of them returned to their country and used their education to help their people. Now, over 99% of Ethiopians sent for education by gov, especially to usa/Europe, will not return to Ethiopia. Therefore, education opportunity for Africans did not start in the 1960/1970. Rather, few decades earlier. Moreover, prior to 1960s almost no African immigrated to USA.

    Dawi continued,
    “Given that then, I have to say TPLF/EPRDF who wrote the Constitution using Walelelign’s prescription as a base were way ahead of you and your friends. It was a good start is what I am trying to say.”

    You are totally wrong. TPLF is a terrorist/criminal/mafia organization. It can’t be considered a government. Ethiopians did not elected it.
    Like I said before Ethiopian constitution is a junk/fake/trash and the government piss of shit.

  19. Freedom
    | #19

    Bro Dawi,
    What I am trying to say is a country such are Ethiopia does not have to be divided into 10-80 ethnic regions that speak 80 different languages. What it needs is two national languages, Amharic and English and regions not based on ethnicity or language. Education across Ethiopia will be given in Amharic and English. People of each region will decide by vote what other language/s they want to teach in school. For example, a region that is predominated by Somali people, might want to teach Somali language in elementary and high school. People in the region that are not Somali should perhaps have the right to not learn the Somali language.
    I mentioned US b/c it has 1000x more complexity than us when it comes to ethnicity as it houses people from all ethnicity of the world. Nevertheless, it has one official language, English and no region/state based on ethnicity. Last time I checked, today, German, Swedish, French, Italian, Romanian, Albanian, Jamaican, Haitian, etc, etc, etc americans are not asking for there own region nor are they aspiring to make their language a national or regional/state language. Yet USA is the #1 country in the world in terms of political power, economy, wealth, etc etc and people from all concerns of the world will go to extreme length even risking their life in order to come to the LAND OF THE FREE AND HOME OF THE BRAVE. Given chance 99% of Ethiopians will leave their country ASAP to immigrate to USA. They vote to who they like, respect and trust by their feet.
    Lastly, if you like the TPLF gov so much and hate the US gov why don’t you go back to Ethiopia? If you are planning to go back, when?

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