Review of Lt. General Tsadkan Gebre Tensay’s Article Messay Kebede

July 28th, 2016 Print Print Email Email

I read with great attention and interest a recently posted article [see] in which Lt. General Tsadkan Gebre Tensay analyzes with a sharp critical eye the ruling government and party of present-day Ethiopia and gives us a blueprint of the various scenarios awaiting the country. Let me begin by admitting my surprise and admiration to see a top member of the leadership of the ruling party and a former Chief of Staff of the Ethiopian Armed Forces undertake such a critical review of a regime that he had served for a long time. One cannot but wonder how deep the level of the deterioration of the political edifice has become for a top veteran and servant of the regime to feel the need to speak up openly in so alarming terms. Be that as it may, my review has two parts: in the first one, I present the undeniable virtues of the article and, in the second part, I proceed to some critical remarks, the objective of which is to encourage Gen. Tsadkan to go further in the critical assessment so as to get to the root of the problem bogging down the TPLF itself.

Without doubt, the article gives a candid, almost thorough and straight criticism of the regime. Almost nothing of what is detestable and faulty is left out: the absolute control of all the branches of government, the calamitous identification of the government with the ruling party, the heavy-handed involvement of government in the economy, the proliferation of corruption and clientelism, etc., are severely denounced. Gen. Tsadkan is not even nice to his former colleagues: he is highly disparaging of the involvement of army generals in the running of key sectors of the economy instead of focusing on their true job, which is to protect the integrity and sovereignty of the country. In a word, the entire regime is put on trial and condemned without any reservation. One admires the courage and honesty of Gen. Tsadkan, given that his position will certainly ostracize him, perhaps even arouse the animosity of the leaders of the ruling party.

This much is undeniable: Gen. Tsadkan wants genuine solutions for the numerous and serious problems besieging Ethiopia. For him, the stake is none other than the survival of Ethiopia so that the solutions must be far-reaching enough to stop the dangerous trends toward which the country is moving. His proposal is clear and simple: the implementation of democracy and the rise of a political system based on the verdict of the people are the only means to tackle the deep problems of the country. The use of force repeats the mistakes of previous regimes and can only yield the same outcomes, but this time in a context that is much more explosive. Clearly, the author is genuinely concerned about the fate of Ethiopia. True, he does not hide his high concern for the people of Tigray and the TPLF, but one of the virtues of the article is that it understands that the fate of the TPLF is tied up with good things happening in Ethiopia.

According to Gen. Tsadkan, the regime has come to the point of recognizing the seriousness of the problems facing Ethiopia and is looking for a solution. Unfortunately, says Gen. Tsadkan, it is looking for easy and self-serving solutions, which are all doomed to failure because they all miss, deliberately or not, the core of the problem, which is the restriction of democracy and democratic rights. The restriction is all the more inexcusable as it violates the constitution, the very constitution that the TPLF and all its allies have sworn to respect and serve. All the problems of Ethiopia have one, and only one, source, namely, illegality, transgression of the constitution.

One admires the author for admitting that the case of Kinijit was not well handled in the 2005 election disputes. A similar mistake was committed earlier when a conflict broke out with the OLF. In both cases, force was used to settle disputes instead of the democratic means made available by the constitution. Similarly, I commend the author for spelling out the true interest of the Tigrean people, which is to work in concert with other people of Ethiopia to protect and advance democracy, as opposed to some leaders who orchestrate the scenario of Tigray versus the rest of Ethiopia. Last but not least, I applaud Gen. Tsadkan for being the first top member of the TPLF (to my knowledge) to acknowledge that the Ethiopians who fought under the leadership of the Derg lost, not because they were coward and Tigreans distinctly brave, but because their leaders betrayed the cause for which they were fighting and used them for a totalitarian and self-serving purpose.

Granted this positive side of the article, there remains the question of knowing whether Gen. Tsadkan’s explanation of the causes of the derailment of the regime away from the democratic path are equally pertinent. The analyses of the paper rest on one major premise, namely, the contention that the TPLF had a solid, deeply-engrained tradition of democratic methods prior to the seizure of state power, a tradition that was also free of secessionist agenda and the pursuit of ethnic hegemony. This is so true that Gen. Tsadkan ascribes the alleged derailment of the TPLF to the war against Eritrea whose major consequence was a deep split within the party and the rise of a non-democratic clique led by Meles who, by the way, is mentioned only once.

Without denying the importance of the split, one fails to understand how a party based on such solid and embedded democratic commitment and practices would go suddenly so off course as to empower Meles and his openly undemocratic clique. Is it not fair to say that the split and the outcome prove that democracy was just a façade, a hidden device of manipulation, something similar to the “democracy” that existed in the Soviet camp or, for that matter, in Ethiopia under the Derg? I can easily explain the rise of Meles to dictatorial power if I see it as a consolidation of a trend already existing in the party. By contrast, his rise becomes a complete mystery if I base my analysis on the assumption that the TPLF had a long tradition of democratic workings.

In vain does one look for the numerous blunders committed by the TPLF from the very start. For instance, the paper does not mention the momentous decision to land-lock Ethiopia. Nor does it denounce the ill-founded justification to disband the Ethiopian army––which resulted in many soldiers becoming beggars––as though it were a mercenary army, all the more so as Gen. Tsadkan, as already mentioned, recognizes that the army as a whole was not against any people. Gen. Tsadkan never questions the prevailing assumption of the ruling circle according to which the foundation of the Ethiopian state is sound and that many good things have been accomplished, even though he does not mention them. In so thinking, he turns the problems into an implementation issue, and so fail to see them as the step-by-step unfolding of a design that was originally very flawed.

As a matter of policy, Gen. Tsadkan opts for the developmental state as opposed to neo-liberal policy. The paper does not present strong arguments in favor of developmental state; nor does it indicate why the developmental state is expected to achieve better results in Ethiopia than liberal policy. Still less does the paper pose the problem of knowing whether the ideological and political setups of ethnic federalism go hand in hand with the requirements of the developmental state. Moreover, as stated previously, Gen. Tsadkan strongly favors democracy in the precise sense of multipartism, respect of human rights, including the rights of free assembly and free speech. Yet, this type of democracy does not square with the notion of developmental state, which precisely advocates the postponement of democratic rights to bring about faster economic growth. Equally noticeable is that the paper does not see that the dismal condition of education in Ethiopia, mostly due to politicization and the preference of quantity over quality, goes against a major requirement of the developmental state, namely, the production of a highly trained and nationalist technocratic and bureaucratic elite.

One key issue is that the author expects the appropriate solutions to come from and be implemented by the ruling party, since one need not look further than the already approved constitution to find the right answers. In Gen. Tsadkan’s view, the remedy lies in the restoration of the suppressed rights and in the development of a mindset approaching opposition parties with a spirit of dialogue and common interests. Not only does such an expectation look utterly utopian, but it is also contradictory. After having made this severe criticism, how does Gen. Tsadkan expect reforms and a change of attitude from such a rotten party? Is it not too late? Is not the party beyond redemption?

The danger of calling for an extremely unlikely change of attitude is that it lends itself to the interpretation that the paper is nothing but an attempt to prolong the life of the TPLF by reviving an already rejected hope. What is more, since the author admits that the difficulties are serious enough to rise to the level of structural impediments, is it not obvious that they require nothing less than structural changes? Evidently, change under the leadership of the ruling party will significantly fall short of being structural. In short, what is necessary in the face of failures of such magnitude is regime change.

As already noted, a leitmotif in the paper is the belief that the constitution provides the appropriate solutions to all the problems of the country. We just have to restore its democratic provisions and respect them. As a matter of fact, the paper criticizes everything, except the constitution and the ideological and democratic credentials of the TPLF prior to the capture of state power. Because of the reluctance of the author to critically examine the constitution, no attempt is made to connect some of the problems to its shortcomings.

For instance, there is no any reconsideration of the infamous article 39 affirming the “unconditional right to self-determination, including the right to secession,” a provision that an organization like MEDREK has rightly questioned as it carries the threat of the fragmentation of the country. Likewise, no prospect is envisaged for the privatization of land ownership through the removal of the stipulation that “ownership of rural and urban land, as well as of all natural resources, is exclusively vested in the State and in the peoples of Ethiopia,” even though the dictatorial tendency of the regime can be traced back to the exclusive control of land by the state.

To be fair, Gen. Tsadkan does not reject the right to alter the constitution provided that it emanates from the democratic decision of the peoples of Ethiopia. The trouble, however, is that the respect of the constitution is presented as a sine qua non of all dialogue with opposition forces. A repeated injunction is that everybody must work under the provisions stipulated by the constitution. The condition excludes by definition any structural change to the system. Unless the opposition is given the right to organize and mobilize the people with the official intent of changing the constitution, I do not see how the stated condition does not amount to a serious restriction of democratic rights.

I cannot push aside the impression I have of a certain naivety on the part of Gen. Tsadkan. Indeed, for him all the problems of Ethiopia originate from a defective implementation of the constitution. The foundation and the principles of government are good, but they have not been properly implemented. May I remind that dictatorial regimes tend to write constitutions that are perfect? Their problem is in the application, not because they fail to apply them properly, but because they do not intend to apply them in the first place. They are written for two purposes: firstly, for external consumption to fool donor countries, and secondly, to manipulate their own people. Their constitutions are just ideological tools for make-believe, for the purpose of misleading by giving an ideal picture of their regime. What defines them is not the failure of implementation; it is the deliberate gap between stated principles and actual practice. One thing is sure: the leaders of the TPLF who drafted the constitution perfectly knew that the democratic provisions were not meant to be applied.

This is to say that failure in practice does not explain a regime like the one established by the TPLF. Instead, the real intent of the TPLF, as opposed to the fake one, must be given primacy. All what we know about the TPLF points to one overriding intent, to wit, the absolute control of state power to empower a furiously ethnicized elite by excluding other elites or by turning them into clients. Only some such approach makes everything clear: the rampant corruption, the dictatorial methods, the policy of divide and rule, the absolute control of all the branches of government are all means to empower a regional elite and sustain that empowerment through the complete ascendancy over the economic, political, and ideological apparatuses of the country. To paraphrase a famous sentence, in the analysis of Gen. Tsadkan, the TPLF “is standing on its head. It must be inverted, in order to discover the rational kernel within the mystical shell.”

  1. Anonymous
    | #1

    ጀነራሉ እንደሁል ግዜ ት ግሬ መጀመሪያ ስለሚሉ ስለ እትዮፕያ ማሰብ ማለት ሁለት የሚጋጩ ነገሮችን ማነጋገር ትሩፋት የለውም:: የኢሃፓ ችግሩ ድሮም አሁንም የዋህ የፖለቲካ አስተሳሰቡ ነው:: ሰወቹ (ትግሬወች) ከጀነቲክ ጋ የተዋሃደ እራሴን የሚያስብል ፖለቲካ ነው ያላቸው:: ስለዚህ ጀነራሉ የነብስ አድን ጥሪ ነው የገቡት:: ትግሬወችን ከፖሊሲ ማዶ ብናረጋቸው የተሻለ ነው:: መሳይ ግዜውን እንድዋዛ አይድርገው::

  2. Lessons to learn
    | #2

    አስተያዬቴ ሁለት ነጥቦች ያተኩራል- ጅኔራሉ የማናውቀውን አልጻፉምና ተቺው ፕሮፈሰር በትንታኔያቸው የረሱት ቅኝ ግዛት መሁኑን

    1. ጄኔራሉ ጽሁፍ እንደሳቸው ባዶ ጀነራልነት ሹመት አጉል አዋቂ መምሰል ይታይበታል
    ወያኔ የገማ የደደብ የወንጀለኛ አገር አጥፊ ስብስብ መሆኑ ሳይታለም የተፈታ ሕልም ነውና ብዙም ጽሁፋቸው አያስደንቅም
    ሁኖም ከቀንደኛ መሪዎቻቸው አንዱ በጽሁፍ በኢትዮጵያ ላይ ያደረሱትን ጥፋት ጽፈው ማንበባችን ለነሱ ጭፍሮች መልስ መስጫ ሰነድ ይሆነን እንጂ ለቀረው ኢትዮጵያዊ ገና በእንግሊዝና አሜሪካ ርዳታ ታግዘው ተጠንስሰው በአውሮፓያን ድርጅቶቸ ተምጠው ታጅበው ለስልጣን መብቃታቸውንና ለአገር ጠንቅ መሆናቸውን ሁሉም እውነተኛ አገር አፍቃር ዜጋ ያውቀዋል
    አሁን በቅርብ ሰሞን የተጻፈው በ Peter Gill የተጻፈው መጽሀፍም ይመስክራል ያውም ክፍተና ደጋፊዎች ከሚባሉት አንዱ ጸሀፊ ነው

    2. ፕሮፈሰሩ ወያነ አገዛዝ አዲሱ የቅኝ አገዛዝ አካል መሆኑን መረዳት የተሳናቸው ይመስሳሉ ወይም ታርመው ይስባሉ ለበል?

    የመልካም መስተዳደርና ልማታዊ መንግስት ፓለቲካ አቀንቃኞች ሁሉ የሚያውቁት በዚህ ስርዐት መዘርጋት ውጤቱ
    የአገር ሕልውና የሚደፈርና የሚመደምሰስ ስርዓት መሆኑን አልካዱም ይህ አስተሳሰኮ የመጣው ቀዝቃዛው ጦርነት ምባቃያ ዋዜማ ነው የሚደገፈውን የተጠነሰሰውም በነዚሁ ሃያላን መንግስታት ምሁርና መንግስታት ዩኒቨርስቲዎች ባንኮች ነው
    በድሮው አስተሳሰብ መንግስት የሚባለው የመጀመሪያው ስራው አገር ጥቅም መክላክል ነው ባንዲራ ጨርቅ ነው????

    በተቃራኒው ልማታዊ መንግስት የድሮው መንግስት ምንነት ወርዶ ስራው ደረጃው የካምፓኒ ውል ፈራሚና የታዛዥ አሽከርነት ነው የልማታዊ መንግስት ከኢሮፕና አሜሪካ ድጋፍ ውጭ ሕልውና የሌለው ድርጅት ነው
    ድሮ ኮሎኒያሊዝም የምንለውን አሁን በሌላ ቃላት ሽፋን ልማታዊ መንግስት ብለው ሲጠቀሙብንና ሲንገዛ
    ምሁር ተባዮች ግን
    ወያኔን ልክ የራሱ ሃይል ያለው ለሃያላን መንግስታት አገልጋይነት ውጭ ሌላ የራሰ ሃይል ያለው አርገው ሲያቀርቡ ማየት ብዙ ያሳፍራል ያሳዝናልም
    የነሱም ሕይወትም ቢሆን እንደወያኔ በነዚሁ ሃያላን ድርጅቶችና ምሁራኖች ፍተሻ ወድቆ ይሆን ሳያሰኝ አይቀርም
    አመስገናለሁ ባይጠቅምም ሃሳባቸውን ስላስነበባችሁኝ
    አቡጊዳ ምስጋና ይድረሳችሁ

  3. aha!
    | #3

    If the premises are wrong, so are the conclusions. The only path to resolve the confrontations between Ethiopian Nationalism and ethnic federalism, secessionism and totalitarianism and/or developmental state capitalism is to ratify the constitution and the derived laws from it. What kind of solutions may be valid with existing frame work of the constitution with ethnic agenda and alignment of parties along ethnic lines and division of Ethiopian land mass by “settlements, languages and (ethnic) identity with negative forces of disintegration rather the positive forces of integration with individual freedom, liberty and equality front and center of the constitution as the basis for democracy and a one nation state of multi-ethnic groups as an integral part of rather than sepate ethnic homelands.

  4. aha!
    | #4

    Ctd from #1. This may be followed by resorting to the original provincial boundaries of assorted ethnic groups and developing the country’s resources and its people along the ecological regions of Rift valley, Omo valley, Sub tropical Savannah, and the Northern and central highlands and South-Eastern Highlands, cutting across Provinces.

  5. ዘረ-ያዕቖብ ወ.ግ.ዓ.ም-ፅዮንThe Eth.
    | #5

    ጀኔራሉ ራሳቸው የፃፉትንም ሆነ ሌሎች አብዛኞች በእርሳቸው ላይ በትግርኛ ወአማርኛ እንዲሁም በእንግሊዘኛ የሰነዘሩትን አባባሎችን በየድረገፁ እያገላበጥኩኝ ሳነብ ትላንት ቀኑን በሙሉ አሳለፍኹኝ:: ከዚህ ሁሉ ውሎዬ በኋላ የምሰነዝረው ገምጋም ቢኖር, ጀኔራሉ በወታደራዊ ስልት አዋቂነታቸው ቢቀሩ ይሻላል እላለሁኝ! የለም በኢትዮጵያውያን መሃከል መንፈሰ ንቃትን (enlightenment)ን ካላካሄድኩኝ ሞቼ እገኛለሁ ባይ ሆነው ከተገኙ ግን, በመጀመርያ ራሳቸው የ(enlightenment) አባቶችን, ለምሳሌ ያህል እነ Voltaireን ቢያደባብሱ ጉዳዩን ኢትዮጵያም ዘንዳ ለማስረፅ በክፉኛ ይጠቅማልና! Naivismምም ከኢትዮጵያ ምድር ይወድማልና!

  6. dodo
    | #6

    If Messay thinks that General Tsadkan is naive; it only proves that he is the one who has proven himself to be the most naive (or pretends to be so) time add time again. It is no mystery that the timely article of Tsadkan coincides with the uprising of the “feared’ amara; and is meant to buy time for his weyane TPLF

  7. Dawi
    | #7

    Prof. Messay said:

    [[..unconditional right to self-determination, including the right to secession,...fragmentation of the country. Likewise, no prospect is envisaged for the privatization of land ..]]

    Why risk “fragmentation’ is a serous point albeit the land belonging to all Ethiopians as is now, is not something for anyone to lose sleep about however, the displaced need to be fairly compensated is a no-brainer; retroactive at that; meaning going back to when it was grabbed by whoever.

    The General’s implementing the constitution to the letter brings the fake “ethnic” boundaries as an acceptable to all to begin with and consequently bringing article 39 to the forefront for “ethnic warlords” to play with. In light of the present protest of Oromo/Gondar it shall add fuel to the fire.

    Why would such “naive” proposal help Ethiopian nationalists?

    EPRDF has a lot of problems but, General Tsadkan’s proposal will take them 2 steps backwards taking the country back to a primordial state of affairs from the present “developmental state” vision; Where GERD, Industrial Parks and the likes are already being in the forefront more or less guaranteeing the future democratization of a united country. Poverty is blocking the way to democratization as we speak.

    No wonder General Tsadkan was ousted before Meles implemented his developmental state vision! G. Tsadkan is a beneficiary of DS via Raya Brewery that is probably he is fond of it however, his proposal puts the cart before the horse at this juncture.

  8. Kebede Alemu
    | #8

    Dear Professor, I was following you all the way with great deal of interest until you lost me at the last paragraphs. First, to insinuate that a decorated and well respected hero as “naive” was uncalled for. Second, your interpretation of of the purpose of a constitution was rather puzzling. Where as the General gave witness to the the intent of the draft of the Constitution as an active participant of its invention, you are commenting from your self conceived beliefs based on an unsubstantiated and evidence-free observations. Is that possible, as the Tsadikan alluded to, that the EPRDF in general and the TPLF in particular went wrong somewhere along the way? You cannot praise him for speaking truth to power while questioning the sincerity of his positions. Aside from his honesty and brevity, the general presented a well thought out probing questions into how all of us can make a course correction if we care enough about our beloved country. We cannot rise to that occasion by hunkering down in our corners and distrusting each other or questioning the motives of one another. The General has opened up a lane for us to travel, let us rise up to that challenge worthy of the traditions of our forefathers. .

  9. Lessons to learn
    | #9

    To Dawi, Kebede Alemu and Aha
    Take the message of General’s article as a hint to the beginning of the end of Woyane. I think it is an admission by General that Woyane has been rejected by Ethiopian people and he is frustrated by his own party members response to the protests and problems facing the country. He is sharing with us his frustration with them. The General is echoing to some degree what millions of Ethiopian say.

    Q1. question to Kebede Alemu is:
    You said”….the General has opened up a lane for us to travel, let us rise up…”
    You expected us at least to praise him for criticizing his own party politics.

    We are not members of Woyane. The message in his article is for his party members. We all know Woyane lost the compass, the capacity and the legitimacy to rule.
    Can you explain how non-Tigrean can participate with his plan?

    Whether the General opened a lane or not, Ethiopians have taken the lead in telling Woyane that is enough is enough.

    Q2. To Dawi
    His article is not about developmental state policy.It is not the basis of his article. He wrote it in response to the political crisis facing the country.
    It is true Develop. State policy and Woyane power politics made 100 Adowa-men millionaires and the rest of us beggars.
    Do you want the General to shut up because he is one of the beneficiaries?

    It is time for supporters of Woyane to listen to non-Tigreans oppositions rather than torturing them in prison.

    Thank you.

  10. Dawi
    | #10

    Lessons said:

    [[..His article is not about developmental state policy. …Woyane power politics made 100 Adowa-men millionaires and the rest of us beggars…]]

    Is he among “100 Adowa-men millionaires” then?

    I thought he was a Raya as in Raya Brewery? :-)

    BTW, those who got wealthy by corruption, if that is what you’re insinuating, should be taken to court, Woyane or otherwise. And we know there is more to what made the “rest of us beggars” than just a single party.

    In his write up, he said that he is a non neo-liberal but, pro “Developmental State” man; We know that he was MLLT and one of the core leadership that brought EPRDF to power. That is exactly the reason why his proposal is taken seriously by all.

    Ermias’s analysis on ESAT the other day that questioned the motive of the General, Whether his change of heart was from within or without was fascinating; In other words, is the pressure of the protest of Oromo/Gonder that is threatening his livelihood making him write the proposal or a change of heart? Their conclusion was that his change of heart is not within. I say it is both.

    Be that as it may, the lack of good government has been admitted by EPRDF so there is nothing new there. Regardless, we don’t need too much crises right now because we don’t have a united alternative to replace the government; we don’t want to end up like Egypt for sure.

    The meager tourism generates to Gondar is needed. So the crises can not continue to end up deadly. Our country is too poor to go through additional uprising after uprising knowing no alternative ready in place.

    If you & others are serious, take Dr. Asseged’s advise of the other thread and do your homework and thorough planning first. A 5 or 10 year planning is what is at least required to bring democratization to the country; Otherwise, we will have another Al sisi in the horizon; frankly, emotional BS with empty belly won’t just cut it.

    Having said that, I do like the “old Flag” that defied the new “flag” in Gondar’s protest today and the fraternity to Oromo protest; the flag should have been left as a choice of preference to begin with; I don’t know about others but, I for one prefer the old flag too.

    Finally, I also give credit to EPRDF for allowing the peaceful demonstration to go on even though it took place without a permit. I hope folks continue to be peaceful and not take it as a weakness; I fear of ending up disappointed as in the past.


  11. Dawi
    | #11

    G. Tsadkan gave a prompt response to Prof. Messay article with an open mind; this may become a positive beginning of an important dialogue with a former high ranking official of EPRDF.

    Considering all the past similar appeals by the Prof. fell on deaf ears, we hope this one, in spite of the fact the individual is a private citizen, hopefully will do some good by trickling down to the authorities.

  12. Kebede Alemu
    | #12

    @Lessons to learn:

    To the extent you deserve a response – this might enlighten you. For starters, I was not operating under your tortured and backward-looking way of thinking. While the General is a “Tigrean” first and for you, he’s a common hero for all Ethiopians for me. While any constructive conversation is what it says it is – constructive for me, it cannot be said the same about you. While you think “Woyane” is a lone wolf entity, I like to think Woyane as a proud tradition of a fighting back spirit of the proud people of Tigray. Where as you think you have the mighty power to remove the current government from your couch or from behind of your keyboard, I take the position that change can only take place if only all people of good will participated in the struggle. While you see yourself as “non-Tigrean”, I see myself as an Ethiopian first. So, until you wake up and see things for what they are, you can spare us your tirade and insults.

    | #13

    TPLF is an overt demonic tyrannical regime working as an extension agent of another satanic hidden tyranny.
    To understnad the other world wide hidden tyranny please read the following link.

  14. Taazabiw
    | #14

    Re :

    @article by tsadkan-g/tensae

    There is nothing unambiguous here ! It is just obvious and clear to
    any Tigrian/Ethiopian that a tiny minority circle within the Tplf
    of Tigray had attempted to assume power by hijacking and tried to
    recreate Tigray to suit its narrowly conceived agendas erasing all
    its past historical ties to Ethiopia, Ethiopian history and Ethiopian
    peoles creating an isolated Island of Tigray that could not coexist
    with the rest of ETHIOPIA and ETHIOPIANS.
    THE tplf and Tsadkan G/tensae had/have been working for all their life.
    Now that this destructive dream is uncovered and their agenda is aborted
    they are trying to make execuses to fool the Ethiopian peoples once more
    again. No way !
    This is the legacy of Tplf and the legacy of Tsadkan at its center.
    The only cure is to cut and throw away this cancerous organ /tissue !
    So, though nothing bad in what had been penned , it is way too little
    and too late to be considered or accepted at this time. Besides it should
    not be said by the mouth of Tsadkan as it didn’t reflect his views of the
    past or present above anything else.

  15. Lessons to learn
    | #15

    @Dawi and KA
    Thank you for answering my questions even though I disagree with your answers.

    Q1. Question to Kebede A
    I think you missed main objective of the article by the General.
    He is criticizing his party ( or members of Woyane) and he is one of Woyane Generals. He is from Tigray Killil and represents Tigreans.
    He cannot represent non-Tigreans Ethiopians. As you clearly admitted, you worship Woyane. Good for you but for non-Tigrean Ethiopians Woyane is irrelevant.
    I am asking you again to focus on the issue because you suggested in your comment that

    How do you want non-Tigrean Ethiopian to participate in Woyane internal politics to help them handle wisely the political crisis that we are witnessing?

    2. To Dawi
    I think you answered my question partly.

    Thank you again. I mean both of you.

  16. aha!
    | #16

    I appreciate Prof. Messay Kebede for bring forth General Tsadidan’s critical review in article in of the TPLF/eprdf regime of which he is a member with the constitution in tact as stipulated in in second paragraph and your own review of General Tasdikan’s article implied support of the constitution with the ideologies of ethnic federalism, secessionism, totalitarianism and/or developmental state capitalism built into it. This is a constitution of ex-liberation fronts which fought the previous regimes against oppression of nations and nationalities, where ethnic federalism: a division of Ethiopian land mass is demarcated by “settlements, languages, and (ethnic) identity, serves as prelude for ethnic secessionism, future boundary conflicts and on going ethnic cleansing out migration of Ethiopians for slave labor to the Middle East and deprivation of individual freedom, liberty and equality to super cede ethnic and secessionist rights.

    In contrast to the above mentioned ideology is the ideology of Ethiopian Nationalism of Ethiopia as one nation, not multi-national with the ethnic-groups namely 80, being an integral part of Ethiopia with the goals for unity, territorial integrity, sovereignty of Ethiopia and Ethiopians. As such the ongoing major confrontation has been between Ethnic federalism, secessionism, totalitarianism and/or developmental state capitalism, supported crony capitalism by TPLF/political, TPLF/EFFORT, TPLF affiliated enterprises and foreign corporations engaged in exploitation of the natural resources and its inhabitants
    under the TPLF/eprdf regime, TPLF is politburo ruling the country supported by the teletafi parties, security and federal police and Agazi forces as well as the military forces under ethnic minority dictatorship and ethnic majority dictatorship in the future, where democracy for majority of Ethiopians does not exist super imposed with ethnic rule, unless the constitution is ratified. A critical review does address that, nor the review of Professor Messay Kebede of General Tasdikans article from the vantage point and objectives of the opposition party Mederk that reality. Democracy and individual freedom go hand in hand. It is only by association of free individuals forming a party a person to an office that governs by the consent of the governed.

  17. aha!
    | #17

    Correction: In // 2 above: Acritical review by General Tasdikan does “not” address that, nor the critical review …… It is only by association of free forming a party to elect a person to an Office that governs by the consent of the governed.

    The economic model of totalitarianism and/or Developmental state capitalism does not afford economic freedom and free market capitalism for the silent majority of Ethiopians. Land and property ownership anywhere in Ethiopia are the bases for free market capitalism as fulfilment of “land to the tiller” in the rural areas and in urban areas, in people rather than ethnic oriented system of government, where the role of the government is that of care taker of the natural and human resources and infrastructural development with independent branches of government. The critical review of General Tasdikan does not address that either.

    | #18

    ኢትዮጵያዊ መልኩን ነብር ዥንጉርጉርነቱን ወያኔ እባብነቱን አይቀይርም

    What a famous American Jew named Harold Rosenthal said about Ethiopians in his most revealing and shocking interview with Walter White is quoted below.
    “It’s stupid—stupid. We are what we are! No matter what we join or adopt it doesn’t change what we ARE. I am a Jew and nothing can change me because I take up another religion. Such stupidity! (This concept is verified in Scripture by the rhetorical question: “Can the Ethiopian change his skin, or the leopard his spots?” And in the parable of the Tares and the Wheat we find that the Tares (the children of the wicked) are utterly destroyed. None are saved from the destroying fire, none are converted into Wheat. God is not going to change the tares into something they never were).”
    Please read this revealing and shocking interview part-1 & part-2 as follows.

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