Meles’ Thesis : EPRDF must rule for 50 years!

January 25th, 2007 Print Print Email Email

Addis Fortune | January 25, 2007

The debates, that followed the synopsis of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s “Dead Ends and New Beginnings for Africa,”? is back, with a writer whose name has been withheld upon request, bringing a fresh perspective on what it means to have a developmental state within an Ethiopian context. He argues that the developmental state theory is simply a pretext for the Revolutionary Democrats’ continuous rule in Ethiopia, perhaps for the next half century.

A Neo-Liberal Straw-man Binds This Book

Anyone who has a full time job, and I would suggest that Prime Minister of Ethiopia counts, is to be congratulated on being able to produce written work on the side, even if it is related to their employment. I would like to congratulate Prime Minister Meles Zenawi on the industriousness he has shown in completing the preliminary draft of his PhD thesis and future book.

Although it is not a completed work, it has been publicly circulating through media such as the Walta Information Centre and prompted a lot of comments. The concepts in this paper formed the basis of much of the “˜training’ for senior officials in Adama (Nazareth) a short time ago.

The main thrust of the thesis is to argue against the neo-liberal agenda, and to present an alternative which buttresses the role of the state in the economy. It also connects this economic argument to a broader social and political analysis, arguing that “˜democracy,’ defined in a way which I shall be returned to, is also a good thing for development and that social forces have to be organized to support rather than thwart economic development.

This in particular focuses on “˜stamping out rent-seekers,’ who have contributed very much to the economic stagnation in Africa.

While much of his argument has commendable point, the central thesis breaks against two rocks: it uses a straw-man argument, setting up a caricature of a neo-liberal model which has never been applied anywhere, and secondly it completely misses the reality of Ethiopia and the model which Prime Minister Meles’s administration has been applying here. This is a blueprint for continued rule and maintenance of the current policies by the ruling party.

In fact, this thesis seems to represent a return to, or perhaps continuation, of the classic role that Meles played in the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), during their long struggle against the previous Derg government. He was the lead pamphleteer for the Front, and parlayed his expertise on the propaganda side into the intellectual and eventually formal leadership of the party.

I see several motivations for the Prime Minister to produce this rather long and impressive document; first he may want to re-legitimize his role and that of his party in leading Ethiopia to a better future after the earth shattering national elections of 2005, in which a large proportion of the Ethiopian electorate voted against the ruling party, particularly in urban centres.

Even within his party, crisis after crisis has shaken his authority over the past years – the split in the TPLF, saw Meles fighting for his political life initially against a sizable majority in his own central committee. Meles prevailed, but not without imprisoning his former comrades in arms, and creating a lasting division within the grassroots of his party. Hardly had he reconsolidated his position in the party before he was faced with a substantial drought affecting almost 15 million Ethiopians in 2002-03. Apart from the economic losses and massive foreign assistance, which fighting the drought required, it also shook his ideological basis, that his party was successfully overcoming the vulnerabilities of the rural areas through “˜peasant centred’ policies which he had been claiming for years.

The Tigray Regional State itself, a centre piece of the development model promoted by the TPLF, was as vulnerable to drought as any other parts of the country – and received a disproportionate amount of food assistance. Not only had self-sufficiency not been achieved, with population growth the number of vulnerable had increased. This, I would argue, has led to much soul searching within the ruling party, and a search for new development alternatives.

Finally, Meles had begun to emerge on the international stage over the past few years, hob-nobbing with people such as James Wolfensohn, president of the World Bank, and Joseph Stiglitz, a former World Bank chief economist, who has now turned into one of its biggest critics. Perhaps the biggest stage given to Meles was by our own Tony Blair, who appointed him to the Africa Commission, a high profile platform to broadcast his social and economic theories beyond the borders of Ethiopia to the rest of Africa.

This thesis is clearly directed at correcting the mistakes of not only the African continent, but the misguided westerners who have attempted, often with goodwill but just as often with brutal self-interest, to help Africans. Meles has now overcome his modesty and stepped onto a world stage. Unfortunately for him, his step out onto the world stage has been badly timed, with a rather mishandled election still fresh in people’s minds. Even old friends like Tony Blair have been seen to publicly distance themselves from Meles. His international friends have become scarce. The legitimacy of the state has not been re-established except amongst hardcore supporters; so I see the government has been on the offensive about how wonderful the economy is and how it is the one who is bringing prosperity to Ethiopia.

This has never stopped Meles before, and certainly will not stop him now. He is confident that he is right, and whether anyone agrees with him or not is a matter of indifference.

The neo-liberal straw-man set up by Meles is based on the notion that after the “˜predatory state’ phase of African rule, which followed the exploitation of colonialism, the neo-liberal model was applied in Africa. This was done because of “There Is No Other Alternative”? (TINA), which meant that the economic crises of the 1980s, brought on by the predatory states of Africa, needed to have an intellectual and political alternative.

When Meles concentrates on the inadequacies of the predatory state, he is quite good and convincing. Martin Meredith makes the same case in the Fate of Africa, his monumental review
of post colonial Africa.

Where Meles and other analysts differ is in what happened afterwards. Meles argues that the neo-liberal agenda of opening markets and allowing free investment was applied in Africa. This was confirmed by the “˜Washington Consensus,’ which was developed in reaction to the East Asian financial crisis of the late 1990s, in which, according to Meles, the state faults were emphasized and the private sector faults were forgiven.

It takes a monumental stretch of the imagination to say that the neo-liberal agenda has been tried on this continent. In fact, most of the analysts and writers of the period bemoan the fact of so little changing in Africa. The continent remains the worst place to do business, according to all the indicators, and the least neo-liberal place in the world (Communist China is far more neo-liberal than almost any African country.

The predictable exceptions in Africa, which continue to be good places to do business, South Africa, Botswana and Namibia, with Mozambique and Madagascar amongst others beginning to develop some credentials, have in fact been the ongoing economic success stories of the continent. None of these countries have applied a crude neo-liberal programme; they all retain highly activist states. However, they are the exceptional cases which break with the bulk of Africa, including Ethiopia, which continues in the old mode of the predatory, state-blocking the private sector from being the driver of economic growth which it is in the rest of world.

When comparing the reality of Ethiopia and government policies to the picture painted by Meles in his paper is also a visit to the “˜Twilight Zone,’ a place where reality is overtaken by fantasy.

No one sensible would argue that there is no critical role for the state in the economy, especially in a developing country. However, the role that the Ethiopian state is playing in the economy, and the ruling party for that matter, leaves little space for a genuine private sector.
This, of course is blamed on the private sector itself.

Combined with the other parastatals, an intensely bureaucratic system and an aggressive as well as interfering state in most sectors, it is no wonder that the private sector does not leap at the “˜opportunities’ offered by the state. It is amazing how much the independent private sector has been able to accomplish in Ethiopia given all the constraints. And the apparent economic growth in the modern sector in Ethiopia has been in spite of the government, not because of it.

Critical areas of the economy – such as telecommunications in which the private sector has accomplished so much almost everywhere else in the world – continue to be state dominated; and Ethiopia continues to fall behind. There is also the example of finance, where the state sector is gradually declining in domination only due to private banks and insurance firms staffed by former government employees with barely perceptible improvements on the awful state system. As in telecommunications, small steps forward – like ATMs – are heralded as big advances, while neighbouring countries charge ahead with the help of state of the art international banks.

The message from Meles’ paper is clear: the EPRDF must rule for 50 years, and the tiny advances combined with the many failures of the state and party-dominated economy will continue. This is not a formula for democracy or development.

  1. shotolay
    | #1

    meles and his wife one of rechest people in the world tanks for ala mudi
    they using ala mudi to take avery legedenbe (shakiso)gold mine place is meles
    and his wife robeding this place
    this is secret delle with ala mudi that whay this man standing for woyane people don’t be superaize meles 50 years wihing to rule ethiopia avery cengele day they loding(robding) ETHIOPIAN GOLD.

  2. fasil abera
    | #2


    I have read this papere and i found out that the article is mot about the topic but it is about telling the public that meles is doing a Phd program and to show that he is not like the other member of his party ignorant. In his wife’s interview she also mentioned that he can sell his brain and earn enough because he is so bright. As my understanding Me meles is suffering from a mental state of inferiority and he is trying to prove that he is the same as his opostion party members like profesor mesfin,asrat and so on. This behaviour was exibited also in the form hate to ward prominent scholars. He fired 45 professors from AAU just because he can’t stand his inferiority in the presence of this professors and son. In conclusion this article is not about EPRDF ruling that is just an attention graber but it is about meles and his inferiority.

  3. | #3

    EPRDF FOR EVER EVER EVER..EVER EVER ? SOUND GOOD TO ME . wazz’up with u DISPORA? any way u like’t or knot one way or onther EPRDF is gone’t speen u in da ZONE over 50 years. so u ppl still think’n that u gone’t see u self in da minilik palse? GOD BLESS P.M. M-Z.

  4. sami B
    | #4

    Hi mamo killo you better go to school like your boss,and you will understand about poltics.but know you are creature of meles.when the freedam day comes you w’ll wake up from your daed body.

  5. Temirat
    | #5

    Dictator meles, you will NEVER, EVER, EVER HAVE a Bachelor degree, let alone a PhD. You can buy it the same way as you did for the so called ‘Bachelor’. The whole world knows about it. Your infreiority will bury you, alive. We know you can go this low to pretend to yourself.

    You only dream for it. Nothing can compare you with our scholars. You can only compare yourself with those tyrant, African leaders. Keep pretending, your days are numbered.

  6. TATEK
    | #6

    As long as you are still Spreading tribal hate and hate-mongering for for power seizure, your cry will not be heard under democracy and Eprdf will be rule you for the next centuary. This problem among the so called educated, elite or enlightened Ethiopians in Diaspora, playing with problems of nations and nationalities is so populist and so critical these days simply because it give fertile ground to establish oneself as the advocate for one’s own people by way of setting in position one’s own political gear to full speed.

    Indeed, this issue has paved the way for the rise of national liberation fronts including the EPLF, TPLF, OLF, ONLF, SLF, Felege Ghion, ANDEM, Silte Liberation Front etc; and the momentary multiplicity of these fronts speaks for itself that there is a serious interest by newly created ethnic political fronts to bear the trade-mark for its own ethnic group by considering sensational political factors, or by raising a grievance powerful enough to ignite the imagination of supporters both in Diaspora and inside the country. This underpinning factor becomes a sustained source of generating and regenerating money. From the outset, the factionist fronts arouse sentiments on people who ultimately offer themselves when their sentiments are touched by the declarations being waged by the respective front in their behalf. These poor people trust quick, follow suit and act accordingly to the dissocialized – factionalist -confrontationist liberation front’s agitations that addresses them to resist under its banner. On the other hand, none of the confrontationist fronts actually stand for what they promise in their blue print. In reality, they have never been and they will never be able or are capable of addressing the fundamental problems facing their particular ethnic group and the Ethiopian nation at large as they are so detached from the grass-roots at home.

  7. Wey hagere
    | #7

    The Ethiopian people are counting Meles’ survival in days, I guess he thinks he caount in years!! Once rejected, even Emperor Haileselassie could not remain in power over we Ethioians. Bandits don’t get it though, they need to see it to believe it – we’ll prove it to them!!!!

  8. Taye
    | #8

    Meles Zenawi tells us the same history what Hitler said.
    Hitler also said that he rules the world for the coming 1000 years.
    But his regime any more than 15 years did not survive.

  9. a
    | #9

    ለ”አቃቂር”?áˆ? አቃቂር አለá‹?!

    “የáŠ?á?ƒáŠ?ት ጎህ ሲቀድá?¦ ሊቀለበስ የተሞከረá‹? የኢትዮጵያ ዴሞክራሲ”? በተሰኘá‹? በዶክተር ብርሃኑ
    መጽáˆ?á?? ላይ የተጻá?ˆá‹?ን የዶክተር ገላወዴዎስን “አቃቂር”? በጥሞና ተመለከትኩá?¢[]
    እኔ� መጽ��ን አንብቤ� ስለ �በረ የዶክተር ገላወዴዎስ አቀራረብ ጥያቄ �ጠረብ��
    እር�ጥ እያንዳንዱ ሰ� የየራሱ ሚዛን አይኑረ� ማለት አንች��� አንድ ወጥ አመለካከት
    ይኑር ማለት� ተገቢ አይደለ�� ሆኖ� አንድ ገ�ጋሚ የደራሲ�ን መ�ሻ ሃሳብና ትንታኔ
    ዘን�ቶ ሊለ� የሚ��ገ�ን በየሰበቡ እንዳያስተጋባ ጥረትና ጥንቃቄ ማድረ� ይጠበቅበታ��
    ባጭሩ� ገ�ጋሚ� ራሱ� ተገ�ጋሚ �� ማለት ���

    ዶክተሩ ሲመረመር

    ዶክተር ገላወዴዎስ “አቃቂሩ”? “á??ትሓዊá?£ ትáˆ?ህርታዊና ገለáˆ?ተኛ”? áŠ?á‹? ካለን በኋላ ይህንኑ
    “ከመጀመሪያá‹? ጀáˆ?ሮ”? እንደሚያቀርብáˆ?ን ቃáˆ? ይገባáˆ?ናáˆ?á?¢ እኔáˆ? “ትáˆ?ህርታዊáŠ?ቱን”? በመቀበáˆ?
    ከመጀመሪያá‹? ጀáˆ?ሬ ለመጻá?? ተáŠ?ሣሣáˆ?á?¢

    ዶክተር ገላወዴዎስ በሽ�ኑ ላይ ከተመለከተ� ርዕስ ይ�ሳና ዘ�ሎ ገጽ 21 ላይ ያር��� ለ�ን
    የመጽ��ን የመጀመሪያ 21 ገጾች እንደዘ�ጋቸ� አ�ገባ��� መ�ቢያ� የደራሲ�ን ዋ�ኛ
    ዓላማና ንድ� ሃሳብ የሚያስረዳ� ደራሲ� ሊለ� ያሰበ�ን በሚገባ መወጣቱን የ�ንመ�ንበት
    ሆኖ ሳለ� መዘለሉ አስገርሞኛ�� ሌላ� ቀርቶ የመጽ�� መታሰቢያ�ት ለደራሲ� ወላጆች� ለቤተ
    ሰቡ� ለስዬ አብርሃና ለአሰ� አብርሃ� ወዘተ እንደ ሆ� መጥቀስ ስለ ደራሲ� አስተሳሰብና
    ማኅበራዊ �ንኙ�ቶች� እንደዚ�� ስላለ�በት �ኔታ ያለንን �ንዛቤ ያዳብረ� �በር�
    የዶክተር ገላወዴዎስ “ገለáˆ?ተኛ”?áŠ?ት አንá?ƒáˆ«á‹Š እንጂ á??ጹáˆ? ገለáˆ?ተኛáŠ?ትን መቀዳጀት ተችሎታáˆ?
    ማለት እንዳይደለ ማስታወስ ይጠቅማáˆ?á?¤ “ገለáˆ?ተኛ”? áŠ?áŠ? ማለት በመሠረቱ በአንባቢ ዘንድ
    ለመታመን የሚደረ� ሙከራ እንደ ሆ� ሊታወስ ይገባ��

    “á??ትሓዊ”?áŠ?ቱን በተመለከተ á‹°áŒ?ሞ የሚከተሉትን áŠ?ጥቦች እንደሚገባ ሊያስረዳ እንዳáˆ?ቻለ
    1. የጠ/ሚ መለስ ረቂቅ ከቤተ መን�ሥት ለ�ሌንኢ�� ስብሰባ በእን�ሊ�ኛ የተዘጋጀ ንድ�
    ጥናት áŠ?á‹?á?¤ በድረ ገጽ á‹­á?‹ የተደረገá‹? ባለ 51 ገጽ á‰?ንጽáˆ? áŠ?á‹?á?¢ ለመጽáˆ?á??áŠ?ት ገና
    ይቀረዋ� ማለት ��� የዶክተር ብርሃኑ ደ�ሞ ከቃሊቲ በአማርኛ ተጽ� ለሕትመት የበቃ
    መጽáˆ?á?? áŠ?á‹?á?¢ ለዚያá‹?áˆ? እንደ ጠ/ሚኒስትር መለስ የአስረጅ ሰáŠ?ዶችን የቤተ መጻሕá??ትá?£
    የአማካሪና ረዳት ተመራማሪ እጅ ሳይኖርበት ከሕይወቱ ጉዞ አንጻር ተ�ጣጥቶ የተጻ�
    ��� የቀረቡት ሰ�ዶች ተመጣጣ� ናቸ�? የጠ/ሚኒስትሩ በእን�ሊ�ኛ መሆኑ ከአብዛኛ�
    የኢትዮጵያ ሕá‹?ብ ቋንቋና የዕá‹?ቀት አድማስ አራርቆታáˆ?á?¤ ረቂá‰?ን ሆáŠ? “አቃቂሩን”?
    የሚያáŠ?ብቡ ጥቂቶች áˆ?ሑራን”? ናቸá‹? ማለት áŠ?á‹?á?¢ በዶክተር ብርሃኑ ንድá?ˆ ሃሳብናበቅንጅት ድርጅታዊ ጉዞ ላይ የተሰáŠ?ዘረá‹? “አቃቂር”? áŒ?ን ለብዙሃን ደርሷáˆ?á?¢ ይኸ
    “አቃቂር”? እá‹?ን á??ትሓዊá?£ ትáˆ?ህርታዊና ገለáˆ?ተኛ áŠ?á‹?? አይመስáˆ?áˆ?á?¢
    2. “ሊቀለበስ የተሞከረá‹? የኢትዮጵያ ዴሞክራሲ”? በáˆ?ትለዋ ንኡስ ርዕስ ላይ የተሰáŠ?ዘሩት
    ጥያቄዎች ደ�ሞ ��ጽ የሆ��ን ሃሳብ ሲያዛቡ ይታያሉ� (የገ�ጋሚ� ገጽ 1)
    ሊቀለበስ የተሞከረ� ዴሞክራሲ የትኛ� ይሆን? ኢህአዴ� ለተወሰ� ጊዜ
    የ�ቀደ�ን በቅድመ-�ርጫና በ�ርጫ ጊዜ ለ�በረ� �ኔታ ��? ወይስ
    በቅንጅት የተመራ�ን የዴሞክራሲ እንቅስቃሴ?
    መ�ሱ በተዘለለ� መ�ቢያ የመጀመሪያዎቹ �ለት አንቀጾች ላይ በሚገባ ተብራርቷ��
    ከዚህáˆ? የተáŠ?ሳ የተጠቀሰá‹? ዴሞክራሲያዊ ንቅናቄ “ኢህአዴáŒ? የá?ˆá‰€á‹°á‹?”? “ቅንጅት
    የመራá‹?”? ሳይሆን áˆ?ሉáˆ? የተሳተá?ˆá‰ á‰µ እንደ ሆáŠ? እንገáŠ?ዘባለንá?¢ “አገራችን”? ሲáˆ? የቅንጅት
    አገር ወይ� የኢህአዴ� አገር ሳይሆን የ�ላችን አገር ማለቱ ማብራሪያ የሚያሻ�
    �ርጫ 97 የመጨረሻ �ጤቱ �ን� ሆ� �ን በኢትዮጵያ ታሪክ �ዩ ቦታ
    የሚሰጠá‹? ክስተት áŠ?á‹? “¦ áŒ?áˆ?ጽ የሆáŠ?ና የá?–ለቲካ ሃሳቦች በá?Šá‰µ ለá?Šá‰µáŠ“
    በሰላማዊ መንገድ የተá?‹áˆˆáˆ™á‰ á‰µ መሆኑ áŠ?በር “¦ በአገራችን ታሪክ ሲታይ
    የመጀመሪያá‹? በመሆኑ የአገሪቱን ሕá‹?ብ በጣáˆ? በስá?‹á‰µáŠ“ በá??ጹáˆ? á?ˆá‰ƒá‹°áŠ?áŠ?ት
    የá?–ለቲካ ጉዳይ ያገባኛáˆ? ብሎ በስሜት እንዲሳተá??በት አድርáŒ?ታáˆ? “¦”?
    (መ�ቢያ� አንቀጽ 1 ና 2)
    3. “‘የእድገትና የáŠ?á?ƒáŠ?ት áŒ?ንኙáŠ?ት’ አከራካሪና አወዛጋቢ áŠ?á‹?”? ካለን በኋላ “áŠ?á?ƒáŠ?ትና áˆ?ጣኔ
    ሃብታዊ እድገት የáŒ?ድ የተዛመዱና የተቆራኙ አይደሉáˆ?”? የሚለá‹?ን አመለካከቱን
    ለማብራራት ይሞክራ�� �ለቱ� አመለካከቶች በተለያዩ �ኔታዎች �ስጥ �ጤት
    አሳይተዋ� ለማለት ካ�ሆ� በስተቀር ይህን �ጥብ ማንሳት ለ�ን እንዳስ�ለገ አ�ገባ���
    እድገትና ���ትን መ�ጣጠ� ለ�ን አስ�ለገ? እድገት ያለ ���ት ዘላቂ �ጤት
    ያላስገኘበትስ �ኔታ የለ�?
    4. “ባáˆ?ኑ ጊዜ “˜áŠ°áˆšáŠ’ስት’ የሚáˆ? አንጀባ መለጠá?? ባለá?‰á‰µ 16 ዓመታት “¦ የተካሄዱትን
    ለá‹?ጦች ያለመገንዘብ ይመስለኛáˆ? “¦ ኢህአዴáŒ?ን “˜áŠ°áˆšáŠ’ስት’ ማለቱ ትርጉáˆ? ያለá‹?
    አይመስለáŠ?áˆ?á?¢”? (ገጽ 4) አሠራሩá?£ አáŠ?ጋገሩá?£ ባሕርዩ “˜áŠ°áˆšáŠ’ስት’ ሲሆንá?£ ዴሞክራሲ
    ማለት ሳያንስ “አብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲ”? ሲáˆ?á?£ ስትá?ˆáˆ?áŒ? ተስማáˆ?ተህ ኑር ካለዚያ መንገዱን
    ጨርቅ ያድር��ህ ሲ�� አገሪቱን የ�መራ እኔ ብቻ �� ሲ�� ኰሚኒስት እንጂ ታዲያ
    ሌላ �ን ሊባ� ��? ባለ�ት 16 ዓመታት የታየ� ለ�ጥ የሶሻሊስትን መርሆ
    መዳከáˆ?ና መá??ረስ ብቻ ሳይሆን የኰሚኒስቶችና የሶሻሊስቶች ማንሠራራትáˆ? እንደ
    ታየበትስ አንገáŠ?ዘብáˆ?? የቻይናáˆ? እንኳ “áŠ?á?ƒ ገበያተኛáŠ?ት”? ማዕከላዊáŠ?ትን ጠብቆ እንደሆáŠ?
    ዶክተር ገላወዴዎስ በከ��� ሳይጠቅሰ� አ��ታ��
    5. “ህወሓትና የትáŒ?ራይን ሕá‹?ብ ለይቶ ማየት” የሚለá‹?ን አባባáˆ? የቅንጅት መሪዎች “በተáŒ?ባር
    የተረáŒ?ሙት አይመስለáŠ?áˆ? “¦ አለዛ የቅንጅት ደጋá?Šá‹Žá‰½á?¦ “ንብረት ወደ ቀበሌá?£ ትáŒ?ሬ
    ወደ መቀሌ”? ብለá‹? አይዘáˆ?ሩáˆ? áŠ?በር (ገጽ 6)á?¢ ይህ ትá‹?ብት የገáˆ?ጋሚá‹?ን የዋህáŠ?ት
    ወይ� ቸ�ተኛ�ት ያሳያ�� ይህ ለ�ን እንደ ደ�ቀ� አ�ገባ��� ድርጅታዊ ዲሲ�ሊን
    ባሕ� ሆኖ እስኪዋሃድ ጊዜ ይ�ጃ� እኰ! የህወሓት ደጋ�ዎችና መሪዎቻቸ� ከ 30
    ዓመት ድርጅታዊ áˆ?áˆ?ድ በኋላáˆ? እንኳ ስለ ሌሎች የሚያስተጋቡትን የባሰ ክስአለመጥቀስ á‹­áˆ?ቅ ኢ”á??ትሓዊ”? አይሆንáˆ?? ቅንጅትን በጅáˆ?ላ “አማራ”? ማለትስ? በá‹?ጭ
    አገር ያሉትን የህወሓት ተቃዋሚዎችን “ደርጊስት”? ማለትስ?
    6. ገáˆ?ጋሚá‹? በ”አቃቂሩ”? ገጾች áˆ?ክ (ቢያንስ 13 ጊዜ) “ከዚህ ቀደáˆ? እንዲህ ብዬ áŠ?በር
    “¦ የጻá??ኩትን አንብቡ”? እያለ ወደ ራሱ ይጠá‰?መናáˆ?á?¢ እንዲያá‹?áˆ? ይባስ ብሎ በገጽ 6
    ና 7 ላይ� ዶክተር ብርሃኑ ሰ� ለአወላለዱ (ስለ �ታ�� ስለ ዘሩ� ወዘተ) ቅድመ
    á‹?áŒ?ጅት ሊያደርáŒ? አይችáˆ?áˆ? የሚለá‹?ን ሃሳብ እኔ ቀድሞ ከጻá??ኩት የወሰደá‹? áŠ?á‹? ማለት
    ይቃጣዋ�� ይህ �ንጀላ ካ�ሆ� �ን ሊባ� ይችላ�? ይኸን አባባ� የማያ�ቅ ሰ�
    አለና áŠ?á‹? ከገáˆ?ጋሚá‹? መንጠቅ ያሻá‹??! ያገራችን ደሃ “ዕድሌ”? የሚለá‹? áˆ?ንን
    ለማመáˆ?ከት áŠ?á‹?? “ጽሑá?Žá‰¼áŠ• ሳያáŠ?ብ አáˆ?ቀረáˆ?ና የከá?Šáˆ? á‹?ንጉáŠ?ት በሽታ ተጠናá‹?ቶበት
    ይሆን የሚáˆ? ጥያቄ ሳሰላስáˆ? ቆይቻለáˆ?”? ብሎ ይደመድማáˆ?á?¢ እኛ የማናá‹?ቀá‹? በáŒ?áˆ?
    የሚተዋወ�በት ጉዳይ ከሌለ በስተቀር ይህን የሚያስብ� አንዳች �ገር ያለ አይመስለ���
    7. “እንደ ኢትዮጵያ የመሰሉ ታዳጊና ድሃ አገሮች መወዳደር ያለባቸá‹? ከመáˆ?ካáˆ? እርáˆ?ጃ
    ካሳዩት የአá??ሪቃ አገሮች “¦ ወይáˆ? እንደ ህንድá?£ ብራዚáˆ?ና ቻይና áŠ?á‹?”? ይለናáˆ?á?¢
    ማ�ጻጸር የሚያስከትለ�ንስ መዛባት መጥቀስ አይቻ��? ች�ሩ ማወዳደሩ ላይ ሳይሆን
    ከየት� ይ�ን ከየት ከአገሬ� አቅ�ና �ኔታ ጋር ማዛመድና ማዋሃድ አለመቻሉ ላይ
    8. ባጭሩ ይህ “አቃቂር”? እáŠ?ዚህን አሳቦች በጉáˆ?ህና ጉáˆ?ህ ባáˆ?ሆኑ መንገዶች አካትቷáˆ?á?¢
    · “ሥርዓቱን ለማጥá?‹á‰µ እኰ ሥርዓቱን á‹­á‹ž áŠ?á‹?”? ማለትáˆ? ከኢህአዴáŒ? ጋር እንሥራá?¢
    በዚህ አባባ� መሠረት ቅንጅት �ርላማ መ�ባት �በረበት�
    · ኢትዮጵያ ለዴሞክራሲ ገና áŠ?ችá?¤ ስለዚህ “á‹°áŒ? አáˆ?ባገáŠ?ን”? ሊበጃት ይችላáˆ?á?¢
    · በ�ንቦት 97 �ርጫ ላይ ስሕተት ከ�ለቱ� ወገን ስለሚኖር ያንን እንርሳና ዕርቀ
    ሰላ� አድርገን አብረን አገሪቷን እንገንባት� የዶክተር ብርሃኑ ድ�ዳሜ ደ�ሞ ከዚህ
    ያለ� ��� ስለሆ�� �� ወኅኒ የወረደ�� የ�ርጫ� �ጤት ከተቀለበሰማ ተ�ትቶ
    ቀድሞ ወደ �በረበት መመለሱ �ን ትርጉ� ይኖረዋ�? ድ�ጹን የተቀማ�ስ ሕ�ብ
    በቀላሉ ይመለሳ�?


    “አቃቂር”? ወይáˆ? áŒ?áˆ?ገማ በቅድሚያ የአቅራቢá‹?ን ተኣማኒáŠ?ት ይጠይቃáˆ?á?¢ የደራሲá‹? ሃሳብ
    በጥንቃቄ ሳይዛባ ተላáˆ?á??áˆ?? áŒ?áˆ?ገማá‹?ን ለሚያáŠ?ብቡ የቀረበá‹? የተከለሰና á‰?ንጽáˆ? ሃሳብ
    ��? ዶክተር ገላወዴዎስ የ�ሉን አመለካከት በሚገባ አስረድቷ�� የዶክተር ብርሃኑ አቋ�
    áŒ?ን በትክክáˆ? ላለመቅረቡ አንባቢá‹? “ሊቀለበስ የተሞከረá‹?ን”? መጽáˆ?á?? እያገናዘበ እንደገና
    እንዲመረ�ር እጠይቃለ��

    �ለቱን �ለ ሰቦች በስ� እንጂ በ�� አላ�ቃቸ��� የቅንጅት አመራር የተ�ረከረከ
    እንደሆ� እረዳለ�� የቅንጅት ደጋ� ባ�ሆን�� የ�ርጫ� �ጤት መቀጨቱ ያሳ��ኛ��
    ዴሞክራሲያዊ �ርጫ ተካሂዶ �ጤቱ ተ�ባራዊ አለመደረጉ የጠ/ሚ መለስን መን�ሥት
    ከበደ� �� ያደርገዋ� ማለት አይደለ�� ይህን መ�ካ� ተ�ባር ሥ�ጣን ለመጋራት
    ካለመ�ለ� የተ�ሳ ማዘ�የት �ንደርስበት ከ�ንችለ�ና ከሚገባን ዴሞክራሲያዊ ባሕ�
    ያዘገየና�� ሊዳብር የሚች�ን ድርጅትና የዴሞክራሲ ባሕ� ተቀናቀንከ� በማለት በእንጭጩ
    ማዳከ�� መከ��� አገራዊና ሰብዓዊ �ዴታን አለመገንዘብ ��� እንበ�ና ቅንጅት
    “አማራ”?áˆ? እንኳ ቢሆን አገሪቷን እንዲገዛ ለህወሓት ብቻ ይህን መብት ማን ሰጠá‹??
    የአማራና የት�ሬን ሕ�ብ �ጥር የሚያጥ�� ኦሮሞስ ለ�ን ይ���? ጉራጌስ? ሱማሌስ?
    የተያያá‹?áŠ?á‹? አመራር ከንቱ ለመሆኑ ይኸ ሊጠá‰?መን ይችላáˆ?á?¢á‹­áˆ?ቅ የአማሮችና የትáŒ?ሬዎች áˆ?ሑራን የቆየ የሥáˆ?ጣን á??áˆ?ሚአቸá‹?ን ለታሪክ ጥራጊáŠ?ት
    ትተá‹? áˆ?ድሪቷንና የተáŒ?ሳቆለá‹?ን ሰá?Š ሕá‹?ብ ዕረá??ት ባይáŠ?ሱት አይሻáˆ?áˆ??!

    በመጨረሻá?£ የታሰሩት á‹­á?ˆá‰± ማለት መáˆ?ካáˆ? ቢሆንáˆ? አገር አቀá?? ዕርቅ ይደረáŒ? ማለት
    የ�ንቦት 97ቱን �ርጫ �ጤት እንዴት ሊያደርገ� ��? ህወሓትስ የገዥ�ቱን ሥ�ጣን
    ተጋርቶ �ሉን ባቀ� አወቃቀር �ስጥ እንደ ንዑስ�ቱ ድርሻ�ን ሊያበረክት �ቃደኛ ��?
    ከን�ዲህ ወዲያ ጥያቄ ሊሆን የሚገባ� ይኸ ���

  10. chaltu
    | #10

    Ato Meles is dreaming big for EPRDF to rule for the coming 50 years. Let him go on dreaming! his dream will turn to a nightmare soon.

    As for his ambition to further tertiary education, it is commendable. It is a complete departure from his former uncomplementary utterances about the educated and intellectuals.You remember he said party loyalty is more important than a university degree. Now he has woken up from his slumber to realize that after all, the Ethiopians voted for our brainy doctors, profs. and scientists in May 2005.

    The best option for Ethiopia’s accelerated development is wealth-creating democracy and not a misguided antiquated policy of the current ruling party.

  11. DeGafe
    | #11

    I noticed that some people become so emotional toward those who oppose P.M Melese and his ruling party. This is clearly because they misunderstood the real motive of the majority. Please understand that all Ethiopians are not against P.M. Melese and his party because of their ethnicity. In fact, they are the one who implemented a shameful ethnocentric type of administration, which could plunge the country to a treacherous ethnic conflict as it happened to Rwandans. Off course, you have the right to support one party and oppose the other regardless. But no one should take the rejection of P.M. Meles and EPRDF ethnical and spread hate among the people who lived together for centuries.

    Understand the consequences if EPRDF stays in power for years. Be open minded please! Our people are tired of repression and urgently in need of scholars who can successfully bring democracy, freedom, and unity as oppose to hate and differences.

    Divide and rule will only bring bloodshed and it’s already happening.

    Wake up already.

    Long live Ethiopia

  12. Tazabi
    | #12

    I swear Meles Zenawi would be one of those beneficiaries from the intellect of those ghost writers (paid thinkers and writers). No matter how impressive the draft of his so called PhD, it could not justify that he acquired a beautiful mind. On the contrary it is a futile attempt to legitimze his TPLF regime for the next 50 years. How ever Ethiopians have rejected his regime once and for all. The only chance to impose his legitimacy is using brute of force, intimidation, torturing and killing. So, a PhD granted from ghost writer would not work and does not bear any credintials either. By the way, did Meles attend any regular education? No! He acquired his distance education while he was sitting in Arat Kilo and distroying the Ethiopian people.

Comments are closed.