Reviewing the Damaging Effects of Ethiopian Diaspora Politics on the Wider Community and its Future Initiatives: The Search for Alternative Mechanisms – A Response to Readers’ Comments and Questions (Part III) – By Maru Gubena

April 7th, 2009 Print Print Email Email

The title below, “Can Democracy take Root in a Country where Family, Group Orientation and Regionalism are entrenched and Political Culture is lacking?” is a sub-topic of a larger paper titled “Reviewing the Damaging Effects of Ethiopian Diaspora Politics on the Wider Community and its Future Initiatives: The Search for Alternative Mechanisms,” of which the first and second parts have already been published on various Ethiopian and friends of Ethiopia websites some weeks ago. It is in fact the final part of the larger paper, and was meant to be discussed and posted later, so I am clearly aware that some of you among my readers may be surprised, and see this short presentation as “putting the cart before the horse,” since I am posting this short text before writing up and publishing all of the related sub-topics. Yes, while admitting the applicability of the saying “putting the cart before the horse,” I would, however, say that this is not without a reason – a reason that somehow compelled me to produce this brief summary. More clearly, the reason for me to skip the two other important sub-topics for the moment and give a short review of the final sub-title is that, though many readers’ comments were based on emotions and far remote from the socio-cultural and political realities facing Ethiopia and its people today, a substantial number of the comments expressed and questions raised focused exclusively on issues related to this subject matter – the absence of a mature political culture in Ethiopian society.

As I mentioned in the second part of the larger article, soon after posting part one (and again, after the second part was posted), I received e-mails from readers with the most encouraging words and statements, a few of them exceptionally powerful and penetrating, to the point of awakening my long hidden feelings and painful memories. But I also have received a good number of e-mails from those who consider themselves as “proud Ethiopians and proud of their culture,” and who see our culture, not just as something “great, unique and special” that deserves the love and respect of all of us, but also as something “sacrosanct.” As a result, these “proud” Ethiopian compatriots appeared to be convinced, at least according to their e-mail messages, that our Ethiopian culture has little or nothing to do with the never-ending, increasing internal feuds and conflicts, including the long standing political repression and economic impoverishment that have continued to plague Ethiopians for decades and beyond. I also have the impression from the comments in the e-mails received that I, Maru Gubena, as someone who belongs to the generation of those who have voiced and demanded so relentlessly, tirelessly and selflessly for respect of the rule of law, for basic freedom and democracy in our country and for an equal distribution of Ethiopia’s economic resources and socio-political position, was personally responsible for the bloody upheavals of the 1974 Ethiopian revolution and its subsequent repercussions, including Ethiopia’s endless predicaments and sufferings. Additionally, the authors of these e-mails argued that, instead of simply supporting individual leaders of opposition political parties morally, financially and wholeheartedly so as to shorten the lifespan of Meles Zenawi’s regime, I was unnecessarily attacking our Ethiopian culture, which they consider to be sacrosanct and untouchable.

My response to such comments and charges is brief and simple. Even though the analysis, understandings and perspectives of Ethiopians about our culture may differ, in my entire lifetime I have never personally met or seen a single Ethiopian who is not proud of his or her country, people and culture. It is also my view that looking more closely, constructively and critically at Ethiopia’s culture and its multifaceted components, and its ability to accommodate different points of view, including the mindsets of Ethiopians in all our diversity, does not make a person different from others, including those “proud Ethiopians.” In fact, someone with a profound interest and the capacity to critically and constructively examine, articulate and link Ethiopia’s unhealed, painfully widening wounds and scars – wounds and scars that are to be found on the faces and other parts of the bodies of almost all Ethiopians of my generation – to our culturally molded attitudes and perceptions can and should probably be seen as more involved in and concerned about the persisting predicaments and sufferings of his or her country and people than those “proud and true children of Ethiopia,” and in fact deserves the appreciation of socially, culturally and politically conscious Ethiopians. It is additionally useful and even healthy, at least in my view, to ask some serious, burning questions and examine them in a more mature and balanced way, if possible in a historical context, so as to understand why our problems persist, never coming to an end. In this I am grateful to all of those who have taken the time to send their comments and questions.

Having said this, let me now consider my topic for today. Also, in an attempt to respond to the questions put to me by my readers and to help trigger some interest for discussion with Ethiopian compatriots and friends of Ethiopia, I will do my best to raise a number of questions that I deem to be relevant in relation to the relentless issues that are under discussion.

Can Democracy take Root in a Country where Family, Group Orientation and Regionalism are entrenched and Political Culture is lacking?

The history of the nation state called Ethiopia, as we have been taught, is not only long but also complex, unique, and for some of us, enormously difficult to understand, unless one is willing to make lengthy and tremendously arduous efforts. The same is true for the history of the process of state formation of Ethiopia itself – how it came about. It is probably this process of state formation that has been a persistent source of protracted disputes and sporadic clashes between certain sections, small or large, of Ethiopia society. As was true for the process of state formation and the shaping face of Ethiopia, the basis for political leadership in Ethiopia has never been dependent upon the choices of the people; it has always been determined by the will and desire of those with more power and personal influence, as well as support from the well-known members of their extended family and the groups, networks and region(s) to which the supposed individual ruler or rulers belong, who with great conviction believe that they themselves are the “Elect of God,” assigned to rule the land and its people, due either to their personal skills and wisdom or to their heredity. More essentially, except for a few individuals closely linked to certain rulers or socio-political positions, Ethiopians in general have had little or nothing to say about those who rule them, or about what was and is good or bad for them and their country. It is evident that the active participation of Ethiopians in both traditional and recent politics has been limited to a singing and dancing role in the coronation ceremonies of their rulers, and to defending, not just their country from foreign enemies and invaders, but also their kings or emperors from their personal internal opponents and from other interest groups. Consequently, Ethiopians have never had the opportunity either to face or to test the fruits of being ruled under a democratically structured political system, democratically elected leadership and the rule of law, or to learn the precise meaning of the terms, “basic individual freedoms,” or “the rule of law and democracy,” with their multi-faceted components.

Also, as the experience of the past four or more decades has shown, and because Ethiopia has not, or to a very limited degree, been open to learning from the cultural and political processes in other nations, the development process of Ethiopian society has been determined only by the needs and aspirations of successive rulers, who have emphasized our superiority. As a consequence, in general terms the majority of Ethiopians, if not almost the entire population, are extremely proud of the history and culture of their country and of those who shaped the Ethiopian culture and molded the attitudes and behaviours of Ethiopians. For these reasons Ethiopians today tend to remain, at least internally, solidly attached to their convictions: proud of their culture and their previous rulers. The direct and indirect result is that the contemporary Ethiopian society, both individually and collectively, is not fascinated by or even interested in the creativity and dynamism of modern socio-political cultures and the technological advancements of other nations. Our society is not flexible and or open enough to adopt the most indispensable political elements, systems and technological advancements of other countries, even when these could in fact be conducive to modifying or perhaps even transforming certain dysfunctional cultural elements and individual attitudes and behaviours – advancements that could help to decrease our glaring poverty and shameful health conditions, that could extend the life expectancy of our people; lead to economic improvement and development of various fields and sectors; and more importantly, help to forge an effective common bond that would expand or create the badly needed peace and tranquility within Ethiopian society.

In conclusion, it would not be wrong to say that these dysfunctional, detrimental cultural elements, attitudes and behaviours have unquestionably remained, forming a permanent and immovable bottleneck to forging an effective common bond among Ethiopians, to the cultivation of a modern organizational and political culture, to a relatively democratic system, and to the establishment and expansion of civil society in the land of Ethiopia.

The most difficult and still more painful question, which most of us prefer not to discuss or even to hear about, is then: can democracy, with its many essential components, take root in a country where modern political culture is entirely absent or non-existent; whose people themselves appear to be historically and culturally oriented to family and group, regionalist and undemocratic, with little or no love for Ethiopia as a nation state, and who, paradoxically enough, choose to remain in conflict and animosity with each other above forging bonds, working and living side by side in peace and harmony with others who also belong to the land of Ethiopia?

For the reasons indicated above, including a further response to the questions and comments of readers, and because others who have not yet responded may disagree, I imagine, with my statements here or in previously posted articles, I pose the following additional questions in the hope that many, if not all, of you will be ready – and have the courage – to respond, so that I and others can understand and learn from your views and assessments.

To start with: where should we search for the sources of our deep-seated and unrelenting resentment, vindictiveness, endless internal feuds and conflicts, and our persistent predicaments and sufferings, either political or economic, if not within our culture and the complete absence of common bonds among us as a nation, both at home and in the Diaspora? Otherwise how do we explain the complex, interlinked and never-ending tragedies and the acute and prolonged crisis of trust and confidence from which we suffer painfully, and which are responsible for making our country and its people a permanent beggar nation? What other factors and role players might be responsible for prolonging the regimes of our succession of repressive rulers, and for making these cruel, greedy leaders almost exclusively dependent upon outsiders and outside forces, rather than on their own people, whom they rule with the barrel of a gun, in the complete absence of a modern, mature political culture? What could the explanation be? No one could argue that Ethiopia lacks the necessary natural resources to feed its people and enrich itself, so how has Ethiopia come to be such a famine- and conflict-prone nation, often suffering horrendous and costly devastation? Aren’t all these tragedies the direct and indirect results of our culturally molded mentalities and habits – our inability to live and work together peacefully, as responsible citizens?

Further, what reasons lie behind the consistent choices of some members of our Diaspora community to single-handedly visit various departments of European and US ministries and to produce fruitless letters directed at western Parliamentarians and US Senators, rather than to visit or write to them using a collective voice? If not from our culture, where did we acquire these seemingly irremovable habits, with the addiction to “going it alone” when it comes to the well being of our people and to many of the issues of our country? Why on earth, if not due to our cultural perceptions, rigidly molded attitudes and behaviours, are we, as members of the Ethiopian Diaspora community, unable to organize ourselves under a single roof and turn our divided but most skillful, highly educated and experienced community members into a peaceful force for diplomacy, a productive warehouse to help educate ourselves as a community in areas including communications and the meaning and functions of democracy; to help enrich our community with knowledge and organizational culture; and to wage convincing, wisely envisioned and crafted diplomatic wars against the repressive and successive regimes and systems that have been and are still dragging our country and its people backward?

How come we don’t get mad at ourselves, don’t get jealous and confront ourselves with loaded questions about the fact that many countries, including Pakistan, Nepal, Kenya and Zimbabwe – which have experienced more or less the same upheavals as our country – have nevertheless eventually been able, after countless bitter and sometimes treacherous discussions, confrontations and diplomatic and physical wars, to settle the dust of their potentially dangerous differences and conflicts, accepting each other and each others’ viewpoints and policies, to work together and live side by side?

Also, isn’t it because we do not have our own Diaspora House that all of the indispensible, essential documents, recorded video and audio related to Ethiopia’s historical and current events are to be found, not in one library or at least in an organized list, identifying resources to be found in community organizations or community libraries, but rather, scattered across the private living rooms of individual Ethiopian Diaspora community members? Why is it that we, as an Ethiopian Diaspora community, do not own our own relatively mature, cultured community media outlets, such as radio, professionally organized magazines, newspapers, websites, and other related means of communications capable of embracing of all segments and views of our community? How can we explain the fact that each of us within the Ethiopian Diaspora is exclusively dependent upon individually owned, generally unprofessionally organized communications media, including websites whose owners often, if not always, behave like lovers, exclusively committed to a few individuals who contribute articles? Does it make sense for active community members and article contributors to be dependent on the goodwill, health, time – and individual judgment, whether socially or politically motivated – of media outlet owners for the publication of book reviews, articles, announcements and advertisements?

Even though I am clearly aware that every individual in a given community can’t be and need not be involved in the political activities of their country, nevertheless I wonder how we are to explain the fact that fewer than one in a thousand, or perhaps two thousand, among the Diaspora community are doing more than talking randomly, and are instead thinking and writing in an organized way about issues related to the problems facing our country and its people? Should we really believe the unsubstantiated assumptions stated by some individuals, who say that these huge numbers of Ethiopian compatriots, those who are not involved and not thoughtfully discussing Ethiopian politics and the related problems, “don’t care and don’t really love their country?”

Finally, I actually wonder – perhaps with other readers – about the views of my “proud” Ethiopian compatriots. How would they respond to the questions raised above?

Having put my efforts and energy together in an attempt, not just to review the historical and cardinal foundation of Ethiopian leadership, including its family, group and regionalist nature, but also to respond as realistically and constructively as I could to statements made and questions raised by the readers of my recently published parts one and two of this article, and having raised a number of essential and mind-provoking questions in an attempt to expand the debates and discussions that have already been initiated, I will now turn my attention to alternative directions and mechanisms and do my best to provide ideas on organizational processes and discourses that I hope can help to mend bridges among us, and to revive and strengthen the bonds that previously existed among our forefathers.

Coming soon: The Search for Alternative directions and Mechanisms: Concluding Remarks

Dear readers: the remaining section of the entire paper (“Reviewing the Damaging Effects of Ethiopian Diaspora Politics on the Wider Community and its Future Initiatives: The Search for Alternative Mechanisms”) is coming soon, and will be titled “The Search for Alternative directions and Mechanisms: Concluding Remarks.” Initially this was to be published together with the text above (part three), but for smooth reading and because I attach a high value to the alternatives and remarks it contains, I thought it would be wiser and even more readable to publish them separately. For me this final section is a must-read text, the backbone of the entire paper, and I hope not only that the alternatives suggested and concluding remarks will receive broad attention, but also that they will lead to a fruitful discussion. In addition to briefly reviewing the body of the entire paper and the reasons behind the persistent reluctance of Ethiopian Diaspora political movements, their interest groups and supporters to pay attention to the repeatedly made proposals to establish a single, united and respected Ethiopian Diaspora House – an institution that functions professionally and embraces all of the segments of the Ethiopian Diaspora community – this section will provide bold and unambiguous alternatives to the current course of Ethiopian Diaspora politics and our political groupings In its closing remarks, the paper envisages a gloomy future, with a painfully disappointing conclusion for who have even minimal expectations for concrete results from Diaspora politics, if the current course continues. The paper ends with a forceful but bleak statement:

“…Without having the required confidence in each other, we will not be able to work closely together, and without working hand in glove, all the efforts we have been and are making from time to time, whether individually or in small groups, will be fruitless, and will even produce more tension, anxiety, frustration and pain within the Ethiopian Diaspora community and for the people of Ethiopia at large. And we, as the Ethiopian Diaspora community, will continue to mature within our own family and group circles and will die as scattered and as hostile to each other as we are today, exactly as a sizable number of the “White Russian Refugees” of 1920 and 1940, who, due to their failure to agree and to work together against the Bolsheviks who seized power during the October Russian Revolution of 1917, melted almost without a trace into the beautiful western mountains, into peaceful and relaxing rural landscapes and wealthy capitalist societies, to the point where no one today would notice either their origin or culture….”

Maru Gubena
Readers who wish to contact the author can reach me at

  1. Adem Indris
    | #1

    The Weyannes are playing a destructive and divisive role in the Diaspora because they know the great potential which resides in the latter. As a racist and ethno-facsist, Meles Zenawi is not treating all Ethiopians as equal citizens. His ideology which is based on ethnic supremacy and ethnic homeland, is leading to fragmentation and inciting ethnic and religious conflicts. Meles Zenawi is destroying the bond which has been holding ethiopians together. The issue of whether or not to treat Meles Zenawi and his weyanne followers as the enemies of Ethiopia is also dividing the Ethiopian opposition. The anti-Ethiopia deeds and policies of Meles Zenawi tell us enough and prove his animosity to our country. There is no need for more arguments concerning this issue since Meles Zenawi and his followers do not consider themselves as Ethiopians in the first place. I do not know why this open reality is lost to some opposition parties in the country. The opposition parties are failing because they are not coming up with the right prescrption in the struggle against the ethnic dicttaorship of Meles Zenawi. One measue of the genuinty of any opposition should be its definition and treatment of Meles Zenawi and his followers as the enemies of Ethiopia and waging a relentless struggle to remove them from the country.

  2. democracy
    | #2

    will you please tell to Ato Maru Gubene ,,, to contribute what he can to inatall democracy in Ethiopia to EEthiopian people.

  3. Eden Haile
    | #3

    Now is the time to concentrate on the practical things we can do and get the release of our sister and human rights activist, W/T Birtukan Midekssa and all other prisoners of conscience. We should unite and act to effect their immediate and unconditional release by any means we can.
    The weyanne racists and ethnic supremacists have rearrested W/T Birtukan
    to show us their arrogance and are testing the extent of our strength and will to challenge their injustice and inhuman actions in the country.
    The suffering of the innocent Ethiopians like W/T Birtukan and all others should not be tolerated and the weyanne racists should be made to pay for their crimes. Our failure and inaction is disappointing me and I have the feeling that we Ethiopians especially the UDJP leaders are not doing enough to mobilize and confront the weyanne racists who are violating our rights with impunity. The courageous young woman W/Birtukan has stood for her convictions and is paying a lot of sacrifices. On the other hand, the old men in the leadership of her party lack the courage to take risks, mobilize the public and confront the racists. Meetings,pleading with the racists and talking about the rule of the law in the atmosphere of repression, are proving futile and counter productive. The remaining leaders of the UDJP should be ready to sacrifice as W/T Birtukan is doing and struggle to secure her freedom and release.Any genuine opposition party should be the venue for resistance against the weyanne racists who are committing atrocities in the country.

  4. falk
    | #4

    Weyane Brutal TPLF MIlitary regime has rulling Ethiopian innocent people using their Jungle MIlitary Trained Forces. In the diaspora Ethiopian Public and Church communities, weyane have sent their spy’s to under control oposition party organizations coming as asylum seeker, Scholar Education and weyane Embasy workers, because the dispora Ethiopian unity had so many oportunities to report our right had been attacked by weyane Military regime to devleped countries, United Nations and all related orgnaizations using real Democracy with out any problems & introducing any thing what happned in Ethiopia.
    In the diaspora Ethiopian communities, we are identified weyane members coming as asylum contacting weyane Embassy, standing for Money and Land benefit for House Building.
    Two years a go, one of weyane member have had came here in UK as asylum seeker & He told me was a member of KINIJIT tortured, prisoned by weyane Authorities. After, He recived Asylum grant, He had been serving weyane radio station based in London and we were elected him as Ethiopian community commitee member. By now you can Judge him Listening his interview with one of weyane priest.
    Please listen his Greedy behave being weyane serevant- WRITE IN GOOGLE- ethiopian consensus, click 22/02/09 and other.
    There are some Greedy persons, who does not care about their country people suffering in weyane brutality.
    By now our people are in awareness.

  5. Alem
    | #5

    Dear Maru Gubena
    Thank you for your continued articles pertaining to Ethiopia and the political climate amongst the Diaspora

    However, for a person who seems to have such a vast courage to criticize all opposition parties including the Diaspora I must ask you
    a)Where have you been hiding for the past 18 years? For heaven seek! No one has heard of a tiny article under Maru Gubena with a tiny afro picture nor do you have lead and protest against the TPLF tyranny.
    b)Despite your continued criticism the Diaspora movement and the opposition parties and at home and abroad. What is your constitution to build confidence and unity amongst the opposition groups?
    c)Your article titled” Reviewing thee Damaging Effects of Ethiopian Diaspora Politics on the Wider Community and its Future Initiatives…….’ Is rather cynical self glorifying mythology which I cold personally careless.

    Dear Maru we Ethiopians specially in the Diaspora are feed up and not impressed by the so called intellectuals who spend much of their time glued to their computer typing personal glory while demonizing others. We are more impressed by our brothers and sister who protested the TPFL tyranny in the London G-20 summit and any Ethiopian who dare to fight TPLF to the end.

    Forget the lecture show me the action !

  6. Fayyis
    | #6

    One of the way out in the future is the coming together of different political groups. As e.g. OLF should engage politically in Ethiopia, also by forging important alliances. Let’s look at the four current political blocs in the empire starting with letter A in Amharinyaa:

    - Abiyotawi Hayiloch: the current ruling fascist regime of Weyane’s revolutionary democratic forces!

    - Andinnet Hayiloch: those unitarist forces crying for the further existence of the empire with pretext of Ethiopian Unity as it was before 1991, being dominated by Amharas and Amharinyaa. Now this group seems to be classically represented by AEUP and EPRP!

    - Abironnet Hayiloch: those unionists/federalists, who try to achieve both Independence of nations and Union of the region, be it in the name of Ethiopia or Horn of Africa! Eg are FDD (MEDREK), OLF and probably G7M!

    - Arinnet Hayiloch: those fighting exclusively for Independece of their respective nations, disregarding the possibility and the possible importance or benefit of forging Union of Independent Nations! Eg ULFO and probably ONLF!

    Now some people started to suggest a new alliance of opposition groups in diaspora under the name AFUD (Alliance for Freedom, Union and Democracy), which is basically the same to AFD, but emphasizes the importance of Union! I encourage OLF to take a lead as before and forge such alliance against the sewu-bella fascist regime of Weyane!!

    Enjoy the following two articles supporting such alliance:


  7. Maru Gubena
    | #7

    Selam dear Alem,

    This is just to thank you for taking time to react to the article posted above. I normally don’t respond to individual reader’s reactions. In your case, however, I feel compelled to do so because I feel, with conviction, that you wrote your text with little or no information in hand, even though a quick Internet search would have supplied it.

    For your information, I am in fact among, if not the first of, the founders of the Association of Ethiopians in the country where I live. I am also quite reasonably well known for my involvement in issues and problems of asylum seekers and refugees and the Ethiopian/African Diaspora in general, and of course also with respect to the problems and politics of our country. It is actually very strange that you have not even read my article which though it was written almost ten years ago was posted on Abugida, this same website, on the 31st of March 2009. Perhaps you are one of the newcomers, the direct victims of Meles’ regime, and that may be the reason that you lack information.

    Apart from my studies and work, I have been entirely engaged over the past 25 years in resisting the repressive nature of dictators, including the regimes of Meles Zenawi, Mengistu Hailemariam and the former Apartheid regime of South Africa, by all means. This has included participation in various demonstrations, writing petitions and other letters, presenting papers in conferences, organizing conferences and seminars and giving interviews (by the way, you can also learn about my experiences and visions for the future during my interview this coming Saturday, the 11th of April in the VEDR paltalk room). I am criticizing the opposition groups and Diaspora activists because I strongly believe that we cannot achieve the desired goals by organizing isolated demonstrations or working in our individual circles and small groups.

    Finally, let me just say to you in case you are one of the huge number of my compatriots who are able to go regularly to our country for any purpose, including buying houses or land and doing business under the rule of the Meles regime that you say you dislike. As I have been charged, not once but three times, including 1995, 1999 and in November 2005 under the file name of “Hailu Shawel” (see list of Ethiopians being tried in absentia), I cannot do these things, and will never, never be able to land on Ethiopian soil as long as the inhuman regime of Meles Zenawi rules my country.

    Nevertheless, I thank you again for your time and interest!

    Maru Gubena

  8. Kassa
    | #8

    Alem writes, “…Dear Maru we Ethiopians specially in the Diaspora are feed up and not impressed by the so called intellectuals who spend much of their time glued to their computer typing personal glory while demonizing others”
    Such generalization is very dangerous. The meles regime is antiintelectuals. I’m confused by this writer. Once I heard such allegations on one of the private radios by someone who calls himself as staunch opponet of the current regime.I used to respect that person. If we have an issue with a certain individual/s, we have to be spesific about that and support our disagrement with facts. We should stop playing into the hands of our enemies. Character assassination is one of the methods the gov used to bring the breakdown of the unity of the oppossition. Isn’t it true?
    Alem continues,” Forget the lecture show me the action !”
    I don’t know what she mean by action. i was forced to check the word action in the dictioary. I invite her to go to the following website and tell me what she meant by it:
    I would be more than happy if Alem could brief us whether the issue/s raised by Maru Gubena are relevant or not. Would she tell us why we couldn’t have a strong oppossion?
    As far as my knoledge is concerned, what we need is more intellectual works. Who would do that? Those lfs?
    Our problems are complex. Need to be researched and studied by intellectuals. Based and such thoroughu documents we can formulate appropriate development programmes…

  9. yikerbelen
    | #9

    Tilahun maru, would you tewll us from which universty did you get your PHD? Why do you waste ethiopians time by rubishing the web sites by your nonsense articles? everybody knows that you are one of those who are responsible for CUDP’s crisis. would you tell us about your life history starting from ethiopia—kenya– europe and USA? what was the reason for your imprisonment in USA? People say, you have never involved in any political party in ethiopia before, how could happen? what was you job in kenya and in ethiopia? Do you have any proper degree from any known univesrty? Untill you will clear all these things around you should not come up with any rubish article any more.. gib kemayawukut hager hedo kurebete antefulegn yilale alu malete ante newu. zemedochih weyanewoch siwodeku everything will be clear.

  10. yikerbelen
    | #10

    Tilahun do not lie ethiopians, you were in ethiopia for holiday during derg.

  11. Anonymous
    | #11

    This is a perfect quote for Ethiopian Diasporas, if we can only work together in unity,able to harvest the efforts of our clean seed.

    “…Without having the required confidence in each other, we will not be able to work closely together, and without working hand in glove, all the efforts we have been and are making from time to time, whether individually or in small groups, will be fruitless, and will even produce more tension, anxiety, frustration and pain within the Ethiopian Diaspora community and for the people of Ethiopia at large. And we, as the Ethiopian Diaspora community, will continue to mature within our own family and group circles and will die as scattered and as hostile to each other as we are today, exactly as a sizable number of the “White Russian Refugees” of 1920 and 1940, who, due to their failure to agree and to work together against the Bolsheviks who seized power during the October Russian Revolution of 1917, melted almost without a trace into the beautiful western mountains, into peaceful and relaxing rural landscapes and wealthy capitalist societies, to the point where no one today would notice either their origin or culture….”

    Thanks Gubena, please, continue feeding your true comments about all of us and how we go achieving unity without personal ego.

    Happy ending!

  12. Maru Gubena
    | #12

    Half of the text in your article, “Ethiopia at Cry and Embedded Calamity” is mine

    Dear Firdu Yitayew, and all Ethiopian website editors

    Thank you for sending me your paper, “Ethiopia at Cry and Embedded Calamity” prior to publishing it on various Ethiopian websites.

    In fact a few hours after I received your article with just eleven words e-mail message yesterday, I did my best to go through it and had hoped that you would come back to me before posting it and discuss with me about why you needed to incorporate a substantial amount of my text from my previously posted articles in your paper, without acknowledging and mentioning my name and without receiving my permission as the original author of the text.

    It should be clear that half of the paragraph in page one section, Ethiopia at Cry and Embedded Calamity, has been copied from my article. The entire paragraph text in page three paragraph three is also mine. The three paragraphs of your last page, including the final paragraph from which the first introductory paragraph text in cursive is quoted, are also mine.

    It is regrettable and even outrageous that while trying to add your voice to and express yourself about the dishonesty and the incalculable crimes and damages being inflicted on our people by the unelected and self-installed dictators, you are committing a pure plagiarism on a bright day light. This is indeed most unfortunate and most embarrassing. Very sad!

    I would therefore kindly, but in the most strongest possible terms, like to request you and Ethiopian website editors either to acknowledge that the incorporated paragraphs are not yours but mine, or remove in their entirety.

    Yours sincerely,

    Maru Gubena

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